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Also in the last year the signs of decomposition of the political, economic and institutional world conceived at the end of the Second World War and definitively freed from the end of the cold war have multiplied. Meanwhile, the advent of Donald Trump as president of the United States has introduced an unprecedented tension between the US and the international order they themselves produced. More generally, the growth of China and the renewed assertiveness of Russia seem to herald a new phase of the reflux of Western impact on the rest of the world. Above all, a variegated dispute over legitimacy has affected the liberal orientation of the post-bipolar order, with ever more profound consequences for the holding of the multilateral fabric of international coexistence, international organizations and even the institutional set-up of individual states. The ISPI 2019 Report questions this upheaval, both in the political and economic dimensions. The first part of the volume is dedicated to the global context and its repercussions on Europe, while the second is addressed as usual to Italian foreign policy.
Political Science / International Relations --- Political science --- Administration --- Civil government --- Commonwealth, The --- Government --- Political theory --- Political thought --- Politics --- Science, Political --- Social sciences --- State, The
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In February 2018, anticipating the US withdrawal from the JCPOA, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei declared a policy of “preferring East over West”, thus paving the way for deeper cooperation with Asian powers such as China, Russia, and India. Differently from the “Look East” policy promoted during the presidency of Ahmadinejad (2005-2013), the current Iranian strategy is not only functional to escape the US-led isolation, but it rather seems devoted to the consolidation of a block of power which can commit to security and economic schemes in alternative to the Western-dominated ones. This ISPI report aims to answer few crucial questions: Which are the major initiatives promoted within Iran’s “Look East 2.0” strategy? To what extent will Tehran succeed in creating a solid Eastern block? What will be the influence of the wider geopolitical context? And finally, what role is left for the EU?
Iran --- Foreign relations --- Politics and government --- República Islâmica do Irã --- Irã --- Persia --- Northern Tier --- Islamic Republic of Iran --- Jumhūrī-i Islāmī-i Īrān --- I-lang --- Paras-Iran --- Paras --- Persia-Iran --- I.R.A. --- Islamische Republik Iran --- Islamskai︠a︡ Respublika Iran --- I.R.I. --- IRI --- ايران --- جمهورى اسلامى ايران --- Êran --- Komarî Îslamî Êran
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The war in Ukraine has taken its toll on the stability of the Balkans by reshuffling regional geopolitics and reviving diplomatic competition between the West and Russia. Since the summer of 2022, growing tensions between Kosovo and Serbia have raised concerns about a possible Russian involvement and pushed the European Union to react promptly. By brokering a new normalisation agreement, the West seeks to prevent new hotbeds in Europe and push Russia one step back from the Balkans. Meanwhile, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has given new momentum to the integration process of candidate states, making EU membership a tangible goal rather than an unattainable dream.Will the EU be able to stabilise the Balkans? Will Russia continue to exert its influence in the region? Are Belgrade and Pristina on the eve of a new phase in the normalisation process?
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One year after reaching Europe, the Covid-19 pandemic has left a profound mark on the Western Balkans. It has exacerbated geopolitical dynamics that had been ongoing for decades. While the EU has continued to be inconclusive, proceeding at a snail's pace with its carrot-and-stick approach, China has seized the opportunity and expanded its footprint. The pandemic has also had major consequences for domestic politics. Local trends can largely be summarised using the terms 'continuity' and 'new hope', with both these notions very much on display in the Balkans and shaping the speed and direction of democratic transitions, which remain far from complete. How has geopolitical competition among the superpowers developed in the Balkans over the last year? What effects has the pandemic had on local democratic standards? Is there room for new hopes in terms of regime change and citizen participation?
COVID-19 Pandemic, 2020 --- -Political aspects --- Balkan Peninsula --- Politics and government --- Foreign relations
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Sotto la spinta della retorica più aggressiva della nuova amministrazione degli Stati Uniti, il 2017 ha messo allo scoperto il peso sempre crescente che la tradizionale dinamica tra le grandi potenze sta riacquistando anche nel contesto internazionale del XXI secolo. Contrariamente alle previsioni e alle retoriche più ottimistiche del primo dopoguerra fredda, il “gioco tra grandi” ha riconquistato il centro della scena, spinto in parte dalla crescita e dalla rinnovata assertività di potenziali competitori globali degli Stati Uniti quali la Russia e la Cina, in parte dalla perdurante crisi del tessuto multilaterale della convivenza internazionale e, in parte ancora maggiore, dalla scomposizione del sistema regionale in arene sempre più autonome, all’interno delle quali cresce anche il peso delle rispettive grandi potenze locali. Il Rapporto ISPI 2018 si interroga su questo mutamento, controbilanciato solo in parte dalle buone notizie che, nel corso dell’ultimo anno, sono venute dall’economia internazionale. La prima parte del volume è dedicata al contesto globale, la seconda si domanda quale posto possa occupare l’Europa in un “mondo di grandi”, mentre la terza si rivolge come di consueto alla politica estera italiana.
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Per l’Europa colpita dalla pandemia il 2020 ha visto il lancio del Recovery Fund, ma anche l’esplosione dello scontro su come usarne i fondi e su quanto vincolarli al rispetto dei principi democratici. Nel frattempo, fuori dall’Europa le grandi potenze non stanno certo a guardare: dagli Stati Uniti del neo-presidente Biden alla Russia dell’eterno Putin, fino alla Cina di un sempre più influente Xi. Il Rapporto ISPI 2021 cerca di fornire risposte a tre domande cruciali per il nostro futuro. È giunta davvero l’ora di una ritrovata collaborazione intraeuropea, o gli Stati membri continueranno ad agire in ordine sparso? Quali spazi per l’azione comune su economia, migrazioni e difesa della democrazia? E l’Europa sarà davvero in grado di “parlare con una voce sola” con i grandi del mondo, così come sui tanti scacchieri regionali?
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Anche nell'ultimo anno si sono moltiplicati i segnali di scomposizione del mondo politico, economico e istituzionale concepito alla fine della Seconda guerra mondiale e definitivamente liberato dalla fine della guerra fredda. Intanto, l'avvento di Donald Trump alla presidenza degli Stati Uniti ha introdotto un'inedita tensione tra gli Usa e l'ordine internazionale da loro stessi prodotto. Più in generale, la crescita della Cina e la rinnovata assertività della Russia sembrano preludere a una nuova fase del riflusso dell'impatto occidentale sul resto del Mondo. Soprattutto, una variegata contestazione di legittimità ha investito lo stesso orientamento liberale dell'ordine post-bipolare, con conseguenze sempre più profonde sulla tenuta del tessuto multilaterale della convivenza internazionale, delle organizzazioni internazionali e persino dell'assetto istituzionale dei singoli stati.
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"In Europe and beyond, today populism is alive and kicking. Over the past few years, anti-establishment parties have made substantial strides. Some of them have reached the levers of governments, while others are consolidating their gains. Being a "thin" ideology, populism is being contaminated by nationalism. This book offers a number of case studies on those countries whose governments have been labelled "national-populist". Ranging from Italy to the United States, from the Visegrad countries to Turkey, Russia, and Latin America, this Report aims to single out what all these cases have in common, but also what sets them apart from each other.".
Nationalism. --- Populism. --- World politics
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Non solo pandemia: anche in questi due anni di emergenza sanitaria lo scenario internazionale ha continuato a evolvere, nel segno di una "grande transizione" che prosegue o, addirittura, accelera. Oltre alle tradizionali dinamiche del potere internazionale, in bilico tra il bipolarismo Usa-Cina e le ambizioni di vecchie e nuove potenze regionali, questo Report esplora le altre grandi transizioni in corso. Quella economica, con un mondo sempre più indebitato e che osserva il ritorno dello Stato. Quella delle democrazie e del diritto internazionale, o meglio della loro duplice "crisi" di fronte a modelli molto diversi. E poi quelle ambientale e digitale, che ci accompagneranno nei prossimi decenni. Tutte queste transizioni si intrecciano tra loro, influenzando i grandi trend politici regionali, ma venendo da essi anche certamente condizionate. Ecco perché di fronte all'Italia e all'Europa si stagliano sfide epocali che il Rapporto ISPI 2022 cerca di tratteggiare, per offrire ai lettori una bussola per un mondo che cambia.
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Armed groups play a central role in Libya and Yemen. Pervading weak and contested institutions, they have gradually brought their survival, profit and governance strategies under the state umbrella: warlords have become the new lords of the state. Armed groups control most of the energy revenues, critical infrastructure, smuggling and illicit trafficking. Their leaders are multifaceted: they are simultaneously military commanders, tribal chiefs, politicians and businessmen. Combining comparative analysis and case studies, this Report sheds light on the "economic face" of the armed groups and their power trajectories. How do armed groups build networks of profit and loyalty in the territories they hold? How does clientelism mark a continuity trend with former authoritarian regimes?
Warlordism. --- Libya --- Yemen (Republic) --- Politics and government.
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