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Le 6 janvier 2021, une foule envahit l'enceinte du Congrès américain où représentants et sénateurs vérifient la validation de l'élection présidentielle. Cette insurrection effrénée et sans repères n'a rien aboli, rien créé, rien obtenu. Mais elle a frappé de stupeur et continue de hanter une Amérique plus que jamais "divisée contre elle-même". Au miroir de cet événement chaotique, ce livre interroge plusieurs tendances à l'oeuvre au sein de la démocratie américaine. Une polarisation partisane et identitaire qui rend une partie de l'Amérique étrangère à l'autre. La désintégration des normes héritées, des conventions et des usages qui ont longtemps gouverné la vie publique. Le rôle aussi de la post-vérité - et de la présidence Trump en particulier - dans l'escalade de la guerre culturelle à laquelle se livrent les Américains. Ou encore la convergence des extrêmes, "wokisme" et populisme, qui défient de conserve la démocratie au nom de ses propres principes. Aujourd'hui comme hier, c'est en Amérique que ces ferments corrosifs se donnent le mieux à observer, dans le chaudron des passions qui agitent cette nation hospitalière aux expériences que les progrès de l'égalité ne cessent de suggérer à l'imagination. Les problèmes qui affectent notre démocratie sont, pour certains, de nature comparable, assez en tout cas pour qu'on veuille rechercher, à la faveur de l'émeute du 6 janvier, ce que l'Amérique peut encore nous apprendre sur nous-mêmes.
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"Alan Levine provides a chronological road map to our disharmonious present moment while also complicating our understanding of "the politics of truth." His essay traces major conceptions of truth in Western philosophy from Socratic skepticism and medieval faith to enlightenment optimism and postmodern rejection, arguing that aspects of all these belief traditions are alive and kicking, forming in our polity a kind of "metaphysical pluralism." To navigate our current pluralist or fractured conceptions of truth, Levine argues that we should strive to avoid both excessive dogmatism and relativism"--
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With extraordinary access to the Trump White House, Michael Wolff tells the inside story of the most controversial presidency of our time The first nine months of Donald Trump's term were stormy, outrageous - and absolutely mesmerizing. Now, thanks to his deep access to the West Wing, bestselling author Michael Wolff tells the riveting story of how Trump launched a tenure as volatile and fiery as the man himself. In this explosive book, Wolff provides a wealth of new details about the chaos in the Oval Office. Among the revelations: -- What President Trump's staff really thinks of him -- What inspired Trump to claim he was wire-tapped by President Obama -- Why FBI director James Comey was really fired -- Why chief strategist Steve Bannon and Trump's son-in-law Jared Kushner couldn't be in the same room -- Who is really directing the Trump administration's strategy in the wake of Bannon's firing -- What the secret to communicating with Trump is -- What the Trump administration has in common with the movie The Producers Never before has a presidency so divided the American people. Brilliantly reported and astoundingly fresh, Michael Wolff's Fire and Fury shows us how and why Donald Trump has become the king of discord and disunion.
Presidents --- Trump, Donald, --- United States --- Staff --- Politics and government --- Bannon, Stephen K. --- Presidents - United States --- Presidents - United States - Staff --- Trump, Donald, - 1946 --- -Bannon, Stephen K. --- United States - Politics and government - 2017 --- -United States - Politics and government - 2009-2017
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"America's constitutional system evolves through the interplay between three cycles: the rise and fall of dominant political parties, the waxing and waning of political polarization, and alternating episodes of constitutional rot and constitutional renewal. America's politics seems especially fraught today because we are nearing the end of the Republican Party's long political dominance, at the height of a long cycle of political polarization, and suffering from an advanced case of "constitutional rot." Constitutional rot is the historical process through which republics become increasingly less representative and less devoted to the common good. Caused by increasing economic inequality and loss of trust, constitutional rot seriously threatens the constitutional system. But America has been through these cycles before, and will get through them again. America is in a Second Gilded Age slowly moving toward a second Progressive Era, during which polarization will eventually recede. The same cycles shape the work of the federal courts and theories about constitutional interpretation. They explain why political parties have switched sides on judicial review not once but twice in the twentieth century. Polarization and constitutional rot alter the political supports for judicial review, make fights over judicial appointments especially bitter, and encourage constitutional hardball. The Constitution ordinarily relies on the judiciary to protect democracy and to prevent political corruption and self-entrenching behavior. But when constitutional rot is advanced, the Supreme Court is likely to be ineffective and may even make matters worse. Courts cannot save the country from constitutional rot; only political mobilization can"--
Constitutional law --- Political aspects --- Political aspects. --- United States --- Politics and government --- Constitutional limitations --- Constitutionalism --- Constitutions --- Limitations, Constitutional --- Public law --- Administrative law --- Interpretation and construction --- Constitutional law - Political aspects - United States --- Etats-Unis --- United States - Politics and government - 2017 --- -Constitutional law
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Le reve americain est-il mort ? L'Amerique est-elle en declin ? C'est sur ce theme que s'est fait elire Donald Trump en 2016, pretendant raviver la flamme, le 'reve', et restaurer la grandeur de l'Amerique. Pour l'auteur, un tel discours renoue avec l'imaginaire et l'histoire des Etats-Unis. Car l'angoisse du declin autant que l'espoir d'une vie meilleure, le pessimisme autant que l'optimisme sont au coeur meme du reve americain et ce des la creation des colonies britanniques en Amerique du Nord. Explorant cette histoire emotionnelle dans laquelle le puritanisme occupe une large place, l'auteur examine les differentes composantes du presuppose declin - hispanisation, fin de l'Amerique blanche .. - qu'il confronte a la realite. Ses analyses eclairent d'un jour nouveau le mandat de Barack Obama, percu dans certains milieux comme le fossoyeur du reve americain. Un reve qui, en depit de tout, garde un immense pouvoir d'attractivite sur des millions de gens de par le monde.
Success --- Political culture --- American Dream --- United States --- Ethnic relations --- Politics and government --- Social conditions --- Religion --- AMERICAN DREAM --- USA--SOCIAL LIFE AND CUSTOMS --- Success - United States --- Political culture - United States --- United States - Ethnic relations --- United States - Politics and government - 2009-2017 --- United States - Social conditions - 21st century --- United States - Religion - 21st century --- United States - Politics and government - 2017 --- -Success
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"Les esprits éclairés aiment à se moquer de Donald Trump. Il serait le symbole d’une forme de stupidité politique qui n’attendrait que le réveil des gens de bonne volonté pour s’évanouir comme un mauvais rêve. Mais rien n’est plus faux. Plutôt qu’un symbole, Trump est un symptôme : celui de la disparition progressive de la politique dans un gigantesque processus d’unification, où les camps en apparence les plus hostiles se tiennent en réalité la main. Pour en finir avec Trump, c’est cette disparition qu’il convient de combattre, en restaurant les possibilités d’une opposition qui résiste au consensus fondamental de notre temps. Ce consensus porte un nom : capitalisme démocratique."
World politics --- Capitalism --- Political aspects --- Trump, Donald, --- United States --- Politics and government --- Political sociology --- Presidents --- Election --- Présidents --- Élite (sciences sociales) --- Capitalisme --- Élection (2016) --- Activité politique. --- Aspect politique. --- Trump, Donald --- Republican party --- World politics - 21st century --- Capitalism - Political aspects --- Presidents - Election --- Trump, Donald, - 1946 --- -United States - Politics and government - 2017 --- -Présidents --- -United States
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La 4e de couverture indique : "Cet essai sur la présidence Trump montre qu'elle n'est pas une aberration mais la convergence de forces profondes ; elle est le résultat d'une montée du populisme et d'attentes jamais prises en compte par les élites, tant démocrates que républicaines. Le rejet par le président de la vérité factuelle même en matière scientifique, ses attaques contre le Congrès, le Département de la Justice, l'indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire et la liberté de la presse ont un impact sur les institutions et la primauté du droit. Les politiques actuelles grignotent, voire détruisent des pans entiers de l'État providence et les droits et libertés devenus réalité dans les années 1960. Ce démantèlement interne a des conséquences sur le soft power des États-Unis, la cause des droits humains et le rayonnement à l'international des valeurs des Lumières et de l'Occident. Les élections de 2020 seront cruciales."
Democracy --- Presidents --- Populism --- Authoritarianism --- Election --- History --- Trump, Donald, --- United States --- Politics and government --- Politique et gouvernement --- Démocratie --- Résistance politique. --- 21e siècle. --- Trump, Donald --- Résistance politique --- Democracy - United States. --- Presidents - United States - Election - 2016. --- Populism - United States - History - 21st century. --- Authoritarianism - United States - History - 21st century. --- Trump, Donald, - 1946 --- -United States - Politics and government - 2017 --- -Politique et gouvernement --- -United States
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"William Howell and Terry Moe have long argued in support of a strong presidency. But what happens when we elect someone like Donald Trump to the office? How does that support the argument for a strong presidency? Shouldn't our response be to limit the office? In this book Moe and Howell say no. They open the book by talking about the reason for the rise of Trump and politicians in other countries who have taken advantage of populist dissatisfaction with the response of government to rising economic inequality, the devastation of communities by the loss of jobs due to globalization, the 2008 economic crisis, and increasing immigration. Howell and Moe contend that it is the weaknesses of democratic governments that have led to the election of the likes of Donald Trump. The remedy is to make governments more effective. And the only way to make governments more effective is to strengthen the executive, within strict parameters of law, to actually lead change. They offer their solution as a way to challenge Trump of whom they are critical in the book. They think effective government that can act to deal with the nation's broad social and economic problems is the only way to prevent the election of Trump or his ilk. They argue that presidents have increasingly exercised power but through backdoor means like dubiously legal executive orders, that need to be reined in. They want an effective chief executive but one that acts within the law and publicly"--
Populism --- Democracy --- Trump, Donald, --- United States --- Politics and government --- Political systems --- History of North America --- Trump, Donald --- anno 2000-2099 --- Populism - United States. --- Democracy - United States. --- Trump, Donald, - 1946 --- -United States - Politics and government - 2017 --- -Populism - United States. --- -Populism --- -United States
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"From one of the world's most celebrated moral philosophers, an examination of the current political crisis. In The Monarchy of Fear Martha C. Nussbaum--an acclaimed scholar and humanist--analyzes the political standoff that has polarized American life since the 2016 presidential election and focuses on what so many pollsters and pundits have overlooked: the political is always emotional. Globalization, automation, and the rising costs of higher education have produced feelings of powerlessness in millions of American people. Related issues trouble European unity. That sense of powerlessness and a pervasive underlying fear of change bubble into resentment and blame: of immigrants, Muslims, those of other races, and cultural elites. While this politics of blame played a role in the election of Donald Trump and the vote for Brexit, Nussbaum argues it can be found on all sides of the political spectrum--confusingly intertwined, however, with reasonable arguments aiming at greater justice. She argues that retribution is always a bad response to fear and articulates a politics of constructive work and hope. Drawing on a mix of historical and contemporary examples, from classical Athens to the musical Hamilton, The Monarchy of Fear untangles our web of emotions and provides a road map of where to go next."--Dust jacket.
Political culture --- Political psychology --- Polarization (Social sciences) --- Fear --- Political aspects --- United States --- Politics and government --- Psychological aspects. --- Political culture - United States. --- Political psychology - United States. --- Polarization (Social sciences) - Political aspects - United States. --- Fear - Political aspects - United States. --- United States - Politics and government - Psychological aspects. --- United States - Politics and government - 2017 --- -Political culture
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