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Germany --- Politics and government --- Germany - Politics and government - 1918-1933 --- Allemagne --- 1918-1933 (République de Weimar)
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Germany --- Politics and government --- 1918-1933 --- National socialism --- Germany - Politics and government - 1918-1933.
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Hans Delbrück (1848–1929), a public conservative intellectual, lived during the time of the Weimar Republic. He published a lot of articles for several newspapers and was involved in the following three major political debates: Firstly he made as a 'Vernunftrepublikaner' several proposals to bring the new republic to a success, even though he was still convinced of the Prussian-German monarchy. Secondly he researched the war guilt question, harshly criticized the assumption that Germany was the only guilty state and pleaded for a fair-minded approach to reach a reconciliation with all European nations. Thirdly Delbrück rejected as a protagonist the stab-in-the-back legend and proved as a leading military (civil) historian that Germany suffered a military defeat different to the general claim. In contrast to the radical proposals from the political left and right, Delbrück started with these alternative explanations a fruitful debate to strengthen the young German republic
Germany --- Politics and government --- Germany. --- Germany - Politics and government - 1918-1933
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Germany --- Politics and government --- History --- Sources --- Germany - Politics and government - 1918-1933 --- Germany - History - 1933-1945 - Sources
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La 4ème de couv. indique : "En novembre 1918, l'Allemagne impériale devint une république démocratique, la première république de son histoire. Son avènement fut chaotique car indissociable de la défaite allemande sur le champ de bataille et de la révolution qui suivit. Fruits de recherches les plus récentes, les études réunies dans le présent ouvrage réévaluent des aspects essentiels et moins connus de cette transition politique : la parlementarisation progressive du régime depuis 1917 et les débats de fond, menés par les juristes et les politiciens, sur la nature du meilleur régime possible ; la question de la violence politique qui grève les débuts de la république : les expérimentations politiques à l'issue dramatique, comme les républiques des conseils de Bavière ; les mutations sociales, incarnées entre autres par le développement du mouvement féministe. Ces études prêtent une attention particulière au regard que portent sur les événements intellectuels comme Ernst Troeltsch ou Max Weber. Derrière le difficile passage à la république se pose en effet une question essentielle - qui se posera à nouveau de manière impérieuse au début des années 1930 : le régime démocratique est-il vraiment armé pour résoudre les crises sociales et économiques ? On constatera que cette interrogation ne concernait alors pas seulement l'Allemagne, mais l'Europe entière."
Politik. --- Geschichte 1917-1923. --- Allemagne --- Deutschland. --- Politique et gouvernement --- Germany --- Politics and government --- Germany - Politics and government - 1918-1933
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Popular Sovereignty and the Crisis of German Constitutional Law is a historical analysis of competing doctrines of constitutional law during the Weimar Republic. It chronicles the creation of a new constitutional jurisprudence both adequate to the needs of a modern welfare state and based on the principle of popular sovereignty. Peter C. Caldwell explores the legal nature of democracy as debated by Weimar’s political theorists and constitutional lawyers. Laying the groundwork for questions about constitutional law in today’s Federal Republic, this book draws clear and insightful distinctions between strands of positivist and anti-positivist legal thought, and examines their implications for legal and political theory.Caldwell makes accessible the rich literature in German constitutional thought of the Weimar period, most of which has been unavailable in English until now. On the liberal left, Hugo Preuss and Hans Kelsen defended a concept of democracy that made the constitution sovereign and, in a way, created the "Volk" through constitutional procedure. On the right, Carl Schmitt argued for a substantial notion of the "Volk" that could overrule constitutional procedure in a state of emergency. Rudolf Smend and Heinrich Triepel located in the constitution a set of inviolable values of the political community, while Hermann Heller saw in it a guarantee of substantial social equality. Drawing on the work of these major players from the 1920s, Caldwell reveals the various facets of the impassioned constitutional struggles that permeated German legal and political culture during the Weimar Republic.
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