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This Open Access book explains a new type of political order that emerged in Hungary in 2010: a form of authoritarian capitalism with an anti-liberal political and social agenda. Eva Fodor analyzes an important part of this agenda that directly targets gender relations through a set of policies, political practice and discourse—what she calls “carefare.” The book reveals how this is the anti-liberal response to the crisis-of-care problem and establishes how a state carefare regime disciplines women into doing an increasing amount of paid and unpaid work without fair remuneration. Fodor analyzes elements of this regime in depth and contrasts it to other social policy ideal-types, demonstrating how carefare is not only a set of policies targeting women, but an integral element of anti-liberal rule that can be seen emerging globally.

Gender studies, gender groups --- Politics & government --- Sociology --- Open Access --- Gender inequality --- Viktor Orban --- pro-natalism --- European politics --- illiberalism

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In an article in 2001 the author analyzed the way Fidesz, the party on government for the first time then, was eliminating the institutional system of the rule of law. At that time, many readers doubted the legitimacy of the new approach, whose key categories were the 'organized over-world', the 'state employing mafia methods' and the 'adopted political family'. Critics considered these categories metaphors rather than elements of a coherent conceptual framework. Ten years later Fidesz won a two-third majority in Parliament at the 2010 elections: the institutional obstacles of exerting power were thus largely removed. Just like the party, the state itself was placed under the control of a single individual, who since then has applied the techniques used within his party to enforce submission and obedience onto society as a whole. While in many post-communist systems a segment of the party and secret service became the elite in possession of not only political power but also of wealth, Fidesz, as a late-coming new political predator, was able to occupy this position through an aggressive change of elite. The actions of the post-communist mafia state model are led by the logic of power and wealth concentration in the hands of the clan. But while the classical mafia channeled wealth and economic players into its spheres of interest by means of direct coercion, the mafia state does the same by means of parliamentary legislation, legal prosecution, tax authority, police forces and secret service. The new conceptual framework is important and timely not only for Hungary, but also for other post-communist countries subjected to autocratic rules.

Post-communism --- Political corruption --- Dictatorship --- Organized crime --- History --- Hungary --- Politics and government --- Postcommunism --- World politics --- Communism --- Boss rule --- Corruption (in politics) --- Graft in politics --- Malversation --- Political scandals --- Politics, Practical --- Corruption --- Misconduct in office --- Absolutism --- Autocracy --- Tyranny --- Authoritarianism --- Despotism --- Totalitarianism --- Crime syndicates --- Organised crime --- Crime --- Corrupt practices --- Political systems --- Corruption, Ideology, Illiberalism, Justice, Media, Political economy, Political studies. --- Post-communism-Hungary-History-21st century. --- Political corruption-Hungary-History-21st century. --- Dictatorship-Hungary-History-21st century. --- Organized crime-Hungary-History-21st century. --- Hungary-Politics and government-1989-.

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This volume of essays and interviews by Polish, British, and American academics and journalists provides an overview of current Polish politics for both informed and non-specialist readers. The essays consider why and how PiS, Law and Justice, the party of Jarosław Kaczynski, returned to power, and the why and how of its policies while in power. They help to make sense of how “history” plays a key role in Polish public life and politics. The descriptions of PiS in Western media tend to rework old stereotypes about Eastern Europe that had lain dormant for some time. The book addresses the underlying question whether PiS was simply successful in understanding its electorate, and just helped Poland to revert to its normal state. This new Normal seems quite similar to the old one: insular, conservative, xenophobic, and statist. The book looks at the current struggle between one ‘Poland’ and another; between a Western-looking Poland and an inward-looking Poland, the former more interested in opening to the world, competing in open markets, and working within the EU, and the latter more concerned with holding onto tradition. The question of illiberalism has gone from an ‘Eastern’ problem (Russia, Turkey, Hungary, etc.) to a global one (Brexit and the U.S. elections). This makes the very specific analysis of Poland’s illiberalism applicable on a broader scale.

Political culture --- Collective memory --- #SBIB:328H274 --- Collective remembrance --- Common memory --- Cultural memory --- Emblematic memory --- Historical memory --- National memory --- Public memory --- Social memory --- Memory --- Social psychology --- Group identity --- National characteristics --- Political aspects --- Instellingen en beleid: Polen --- Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Political party) --- Platforma Obywatelska (Political party) --- Grazhdanskai︠a︡ platforma (Political party) --- Civic Platform (Political party) --- PiS (Political party) --- PiS --- Pravo i spravedlivostʹ (Political party) --- Law and Justice (Political party) --- Law & Justice (Political party) --- Poland --- Politics and government --- Illiberalism, Media, Memory politics, Poland, Political parties, Political studies, Postcommunism.

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In the last six decades, one of the most striking developments in international law is the emergence of a massive body of legal norms and procedures aimed at protecting human rights. In many countries, though, there is little relationship between international law and the actual protection of human rights on the ground. Making Human Rights a Reality takes a fresh look at why it's been so hard for international law to have much impact in parts of the world where human rights are most at risk. Emilie Hafner-Burton argues that more progress is possible if human rights promoters work strategically with the group of states that have dedicated resources to human rights protection. These human rights "stewards" can focus their resources on places where the tangible benefits to human rights are greatest. Success will require setting priorities as well as engaging local stakeholders such as nongovernmental organizations and national human rights institutions. To date, promoters of international human rights law have relied too heavily on setting universal goals and procedures and not enough on assessing what actually works and setting priorities. Hafner-Burton illustrates how, with a different strategy, human rights stewards can make international law more effective and also safeguard human rights for more of the world population.

Human rights. --- Basic rights --- Civil rights (International law) --- Human rights --- Rights, Human --- Rights of man --- Human security --- Transitional justice --- Truth commissions --- Law and legislation --- Human Rights Council. --- International Bill of Human Rights. --- UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. --- United Nations. --- abusive behavior. --- civil rights. --- complaints mechanisms. --- conflict. --- constitutions. --- credibility. --- crime. --- criminal law. --- cultural rights. --- dehumanization. --- deterrence. --- diplomacy. --- domestic politics. --- foreign policy. --- human behavior. --- human rights abuses. --- human rights commissions. --- human rights promotion. --- human rights protection. --- human rights violations. --- human rights. --- illiberalism. --- insider politics. --- intelligence. --- international human rights law. --- international human rights. --- international law. --- international legal reform. --- legal customs. --- legal system. --- legitimacy. --- leverage. --- localization. --- military intervention. --- national human rights institutions. --- national interest. --- national law. --- nongovernmental organizations. --- nonstate actors. --- ombudsmen. --- penalties. --- perpetrator. --- political dissent. --- political rights. --- poverty. --- professionalization. --- psychological superiority. --- punishment. --- rationalization. --- reform. --- resource allocation. --- responsibility. --- rewards. --- routinization. --- scholarly research. --- state power. --- statistical research. --- steward states. --- stewardship. --- treaties. --- triage. --- tribunals. --- universalism. --- violence.

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As the post-WWII liberal democratic consensus comes under increasing assault around the globe, Zachary R. Goldsmith investigates a timely topic: the reemergence of fanaticism. His book demonstrates how the concept of fanaticism, so often flippantly invoked with little forethought, actually has a long history stretching back to ancient times. Tracing this history through the Reformation and the Enlightenment to our present moment of political extremism run amok, Goldsmith offers a novel account of fanaticism, detailing its transformation from a primarily religious to a political concept around the time of the French Revolution. He draws on the work of Immanuel Kant, Edmund Burke, and Fyodor Dostoevsky—all keen observers of fanaticism, and especially its political variant—in order to explore this crucial moment in the development of political fanaticism.Examining conceptualizations of fanaticism from different geographical, political, temporal, and contextual backgrounds, Goldsmith reveals how the concept has changed over time and resists easy definition. Nevertheless, his analysis of the writings of key figures from the tradition of political thought regarding fanaticism yields a complex and nuanced understanding of the concept that allows us to productively identify and observe its most salient characteristics: irrationality, messianism, the embrace of abstraction, the desire for novelty, the pursuit of perfection, a lack of limits in politics, the embrace of violence, certainty, passion, and its perennial attraction to intellectuals. Goldsmith’s political-philosophical history of fanaticism offers us an argument and warning against fanaticism itself, demonstrating that fanaticism is antidemocratic, illiberal, antipolitical, and never necessary.

Fanaticism --- Fanaticism. --- Radicalism. --- Extremism, Political --- Ideological extremism --- Political extremism --- Political science --- Intolerance --- Zealotry --- Enthusiasm --- Political aspects. --- Concept History. --- Concepts. --- Edmund Burke. --- Enthusiasm. --- Extremism. --- French Revolution. --- Fyodor Dostoevsky. --- Immanuel Kant. --- Political Philosophy. --- Political Theory. --- illiberalism. --- intellectual history. --- liberalism. --- religion cult. --- violence. --- virtue. --- Kant, Immanuel, --- Burke, Edmund, --- Dostoyevsky, Fyodor, --- Political and social views. --- Dostoevskij, Fëdor Mihajlovič --- Dostoevskij, Fjodor Mihajlovič --- Dostoevskij, Fedor Mikhajlovich --- Dostojevski, Fjodor Michajlovitsj --- Dostojewski, Fedor --- Dostojevski, Fedor --- Dostojewski, Fjodor --- Dostojevski, Fjodor --- Dostojewski, Fjodor Michailowitsj --- Dostojewskij, Fjodor M. --- Dostoïevski, Fiodor --- Dostoïevsky, Fedor Mihajlovic --- Достоевский, Федор, --- Dostoevskiĭ, Fedor, --- Dostoievski, Fédor Mikhailovitch, --- Dostoievski, Fiodor, --- Dostojevski, F. M., --- Dostojewskij, Fjodor M., --- Tʻo-ssu-tʻo-yeh-fu-ssu-chi, --- Tuosituoyefusiji, --- Dostoevsky, Fyodor, --- Zuboskal, --- Dostoevskiĭ, Fedor Mikhaĭlovich, --- Dostoevskiĭ, F. M. --- Dostojewski, Fjedor Michailowitsch, --- Dustūyafskī, Fīdūr, --- Dostoievsky, F., --- Dosztojevszkij, Fjodor Mihajlovics, --- Tu-ssu-tʻo-yeh-fu-ssu-chi, --- Dusituoyefusiji, --- Dostojewski, --- Dostojewski, Fiodor, --- Dostoevskij, Fedor, --- Dostojewskij, F. M. --- Dostojevskij, F. M., --- Dostojevskij, Fjodor, --- D̲ostogiephski, Ph. M., --- Dostoïevsky, Th. M., --- D̲ostogiephsky, Phiontor Michaēlovits, --- Dostoiewskij, --- Dostojewski, Fjodor, --- Dostoevsky, Fedor, --- Dostoïevsky, Fédor, --- Dostoevsky, F. M. --- Dostojevskis, F., --- Dostoevski, F., --- Dostojewsky, --- Dosṭoyevsḳi, Fyodor Mikhailovits', --- Dostogephskē, Th., --- Dostojewski, Teodor, --- Dāstavaskī, --- D̲ostogephski, --- Dostojevskis, Fjodors, --- D̲ostogievskē, Phiontor, --- Dostoyewski, Fedor, --- Dosztojevszkij, F. M. --- Dosṭoyeṿsḳi, F. M., --- Dostojevskij, Fedor Michajlovič, --- Tāstayēvski, K̲apiyōtar, --- Dostoievski, Fedor, --- Dastoyaveski, Fiyodar, --- Dosṭoyevsḳi, Fyodor, --- Dāstāyivskī, --- ドストエフスキー --- דאםטאיעווםקי, פ. --- דאסטאיעווסקי, פ. --- דאסטאיעווסקי, פ. מ. --- דאסטאיעווסקי, פ. מ., --- דאסטאיעוועסקי, פ. --- דאסטאיעװסקי, פ.מ --- דאסטאיעװסקי, פ., --- דוסטויבסקי --- דוסטויבסקי, פדור מיכאילוביץ --- דוסטויבסקי, פיודור מיכאילוביץ, --- דוסטויבסקי, פיודור ניכילוביץ' --- דוסטויבסקי, פיודור, --- דוסטויבסקי, פי., --- דוסטויבסקי, פ. מ., --- דוסטויבסקי, ת. ד. --- דוסטוייבסקי, פיודור --- דוסטוייבסקי, פיודור, --- 陀司妥也夫斯基, --- 陀思妥也夫斯基, --- 陀思妥耶夫斯基, --- F. ドストエフスキー, --- Berḳ, Edmand, --- Berk, Ėdmund, --- Bŏŏkʻŭ, Edŭmŏndŭ, --- Late noble writer, --- ברק, אדמנד --- Kant, Immanuel --- Kant, I. --- Kānt, ʻAmmānūʼīl, --- Kant, Immanouel, --- Kant, Immanuil, --- Kʻantʻŭ, --- Kant, --- Kant, Emmanuel, --- Ḳanṭ, ʻImanuʼel, --- Kant, E., --- Kant, Emanuel, --- Cantơ, I., --- Kant, Emanuele, --- Kant, Im. --- קאנט --- קאנט, א. --- קאנט, עמנואל --- קאנט, עמנואל, --- קאנט, ע. --- קנט --- קנט, עמנואל --- קנט, עמנואל, --- كانت ، ايمانوئل --- كنت، إمانويل، --- カントイマニユエル, --- Kangde, --- 康德, --- Kanṭ, Īmānwīl, --- كانط، إيمانويل --- Kant, Manuel,