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The puzzle or query that chiefly concerns this author is why the United States (US) and its foreign policy have such a hard time understanding cultures and societies other than their own. This provocative book argues that the US needs to end its attitudes of superiority and condescension toward other nations and cultures and redirect its foreign policy accordingly.
Political culture --- United States --- Foreign relations. --- Foreign relations --- Political culture - United States --- United States - Foreign relations
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Aesthetics --- Sociology of culture --- United States --- Esthetica --- Esthétique --- Popular culture --- Political culture --- Aesthetics. --- Popular culture - United States. --- Political culture - United States. --- United States of America
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Flags --- Political culture --- Nationalism --- Totemism --- Sacrifice --- Social aspects --- Flags - Social aspects - United States. --- Political culture - United States. --- Nationalism - United States. --- Totemism - United States. --- Sacrifice - United States.
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Lobbying and political interest groups occupy an ambivalent place in advanced democracies. This insightful book injects a new sociological understanding of politics and policy. As the book convincingly reveals, a sociological understanding of lobbying and interest groups illustrates the edges and boundaries of representative democracy itself.
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Political culture --- eua --- japon --- politique economique --- vsa --- japan --- economisch beleid --- Japan --- United States --- Economic policy --- Politics and government --- Political culture - Japan. --- Political culture - United States.
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Derided by the Right as dangerous and by the Left as spineless, Barack Obama puzzles observers. In Reading Obama, James T. Kloppenberg reveals the sources of Obama's ideas and explains why his principled aversion to absolutes does not fit contemporary partisan categories. Obama's commitments to deliberation and experimentation derive from sustained engagement with American democratic thought. In a new preface, Kloppenberg explains why Obama has stuck with his commitment to compromise in the first three years of his presidency, despite the criticism it has provoked. Reading Obama traces the origins of his ideas and establishes him as the most penetrating political thinker elected to the presidency in the past century. Kloppenberg demonstrates the influences that have shaped Obama's distinctive worldview, including Nietzsche and Niebuhr, Ellison and Rawls, and recent theorists engaged in debates about feminism, critical race theory, and cultural norms. Examining Obama's views on the Constitution, slavery and the Civil War, the New Deal, and the civil rights movement, Kloppenberg shows Obama's sophisticated understanding of American history. Obama's interest in compromise, reasoned public debate, and the patient nurturing of civility is a sign of strength, not weakness, Kloppenberg argues. He locates its roots in Madison, Lincoln, and especially in the philosophical pragmatism of William James and John Dewey, which nourished generations of American progressives, black and white, female and male, through much of the twentieth century, albeit with mixed results. Reading Obama reveals the sources of Obama's commitment to democratic deliberation: the books he has read, the visionaries who have inspired him, the social movements and personal struggles that have shaped his thinking. Kloppenberg shows that Obama's positions on social justice, religion, race, family, and America's role in the world do not stem from a desire to please everyone but from deeply rooted--although currently unfashionable--convictions about how a democracy must deal with difference and conflict.
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Argues that ordinary people exercise extraordinary political courage and power in American politics when, frustrated by politics as usual, they rise up in anger and hope, and defy the authorities and the status quo rules that ordinarily govern their daily lives. By doing so, they disrupt the workings of important institutions and become a force in American politics. Drawing on critical episodes in U.S. history, Piven shows that it is in fact precisely at those seismic moments when people act outside of political norms that they become empowered to their full democratic potential.
Civil disobedience - United States. --- Civil disobedience -- United States. --- Elections - United States. --- Elections -- United States. --- Political culture - United States. --- Political culture -- United States. --- Protest movements - United States - History. --- Protest movements -- United States -- History. --- United States -- Political and government -- History. --- United States - Politics and government - History.
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Political participation --- Political culture --- Political leadership --- Public opinion --- United States --- Politics and government --- 1945-1989 --- Political participation - United States --- Political culture - United States --- Political leadership - United States - Public opinion --- Public opinion - United States --- United States - Politics and government - 1945-1989
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In this wide-ranging interdisciplinary work, Paul W. Kahn argues that political order is founded not on contract but on sacrifice. Because liberalism is blind to sacrifice, it is unable to explain how the modern state has brought us to both the rule of law and the edge of nuclear annihilation. We can understand this modern condition only by recognizing that any political community, even a liberal one, is bound together by faith, love, and identity. Putting Liberalism in Its Place draws on philosophy, cultural theory, American constitutional law, religious and literary studies, and political psychology to advance political theory. It makes original contributions in all these fields. Not since Charles Taylor's The Sources of the Self has there been such an ambitious and sweeping examination of the deep structure of the modern conception of the self. Kahn shows that only when we move beyond liberalism's categories of reason and interest to a Judeo-Christian concept of love can we comprehend the modern self. Love is the foundation of a world of objective meaning, one form of which is the political community. Arguing from these insights, Kahn offers a new reading of the liberalism/communitarian debate, a genealogy of American liberalism, an exploration of the romantic and the pornographic, a new theory of the will, and a refoundation of political theory on the possibility of sacrifice. Approaching politics from the perspective of sacrifice allows us to understand the character of twentieth-century politics, which combined progress in the rule of law with massive slaughter for the state. Equally important, this work speaks to the most important political conflicts in the world today. It explains why American response to September 11 has taken the form of war, and why, for the most part, Europeans have been reluctant to follow the Americans in their pursuit of a violent, sacrificial politics. Kahn shows us that the United States has maintained a vibrant politics of modernity, while Europe is moving into a postmodern form of the political that has turned away from the idea of sacrifice. Together with its companion volume, Out of Eden, Putting Liberalism in Its Place finally answers Clifford Geertz's call for a political theology of modernity.
Communitarianism --- Liberalism --- Political culture --- Social contract. --- Social compact --- Consensus (Social sciences) --- Political science --- Sociology --- Sovereignty --- Liberal egalitarianism --- Liberty --- Social sciences --- Social structure --- Social contract --- Liberalism - United States --- Communitarianism - United States --- Political culture - United States
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