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Political Players? Sovereign Wealth Funds' lnvestments in Central and Eastern Europe
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Year: 2017 Publisher: Łódź [Poland] : Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego

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Although there has been vivid academic debate as to what extent Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs) are motivated by political reasons, it is rather clear that countries can use state-owned investment funds as a tool of their foreign policy. Even Barack Obama, during his initial presidential campaign in 2008 commented: “I am obviously concerned if these… sovereign wealth funds are motivated by more than just market consideration and that’s obviously a possibility”. This book looks at SWF activities in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) to determine the main motives for SWF presence in CEE. Are the potential financial gains the only reason behind their investments? Are SWF activities in the region dangerous for the stability and security of the CEE countries? The book is pioneering analyses of SWFs behaviour in the region, based on empirical data collected from the Sovereign Wealth Fund Institute Transaction Database, arguably the most comprehensive and authoritative resource tracking SWF investment behaviour globally.Although there has been vivid academic debate as to what extent Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs) are motivated by political reasons, it is rather clear that countries can use state-owned investment funds as a tool of their foreign policy. Even Barack Obama, during his initial presidential campaign in 2008 commented: “I am obviously concerned if these… sovereign wealth funds are motivated by more than just market consideration and that’s obviously a possibility”.This book looks at SWF activities in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) to determine the main motives for SWF presence in CEE. Are the potential financial gains the only reason behind their investments? Are SWF activities in the region dangerous for the stability and security of the CEE countries?The book is pioneering analyses of SWFs behaviour in the region, based on empirical data collected from the Sovereign Wealth Fund Institute Transaction Database, arguably the most comprehensive and authoritative resource tracking SWF investment behaviour globally.

Stakeholders
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Year: 2012 Publisher: London : Henry Stewart Talks,

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Relationship marketing
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Year: 2012 Publisher: London : Henry Stewart Talks,

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Federation without federalism. Relations between Moscow and the regions
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Year: 2014 Publisher: Warszawa [Poland] : OSW Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia

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The regions of the Russian Federation are immensely diverse economically and geographically as well as when it comes to their national identity, civic awareness and political activity. We are in fact dealing with a ‘multi-speed Russia’: along with the post-industrial regions with their higher living standards and a need for pluralism in politics, there are poverty-stricken, inertial regions, dependent on subsidies from the centre. // As a result of the policy of centralisation pursued by the Kremlin since 2000, the autonomy of the regions has been reduced fundamentally. This has affected the performance of the regional elites and made it difficult for the regions to use their natural advantages (such as resources or location) to their benefit. One of the effects of this policy has been the constantly decreasing number of the donor regions. The current model promotes the role of the region as a passive supplicant, for whom it is easier to seek support from the central government, offering loyalty in exchange, than to implement complex systemic reforms that would contribute to long-term development. Moscow’s control (political, economic and administrative) over the regions is currently so thorough that it contradicts the formally existing federal form of government in Russia.

W cieniu historii. Stosunki rumuńsko-mołdawskie
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Year: 2015 Publisher: Warszawa [Poland] : OSW Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia

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Rumunię i Mołdawię łączą bardzo silne więzy wynikające przede wszystkim z wielu lat wspólnej historii (w tym wspólnej państwowości), języka oraz dorobku kulturowego. Ta bliskość z jednej strony sprzyja budowaniu stosunków dwustronnych, z drugiej zaś stanowi dla nich także poważne obciążenie. Mołdawska państwowość oraz tożsamość budowana jest bowiem niejako w opozycji do państwowości i tożsamości rumuńskiej. Część społeczeństwa (szczególnie mniejszość rosyjskojęzyczna) obawia się bliższej współpracy z Bukaresztem, widząc w niej zagrożenie utratą niepodległości i zapowiedź zjednoczenia z zachodnim sąsiadem. Historyczny sentyment znajduje także odbicie w polityce Bukaresztu wobec Mołdawii. Oficjalnie stosunki z Kiszyniowem uważane są za szczególne, a przedstawiciele rumuńskiej klasy politycznej prześcigają się w deklaracjach pomocy i poparcia dla wschodniego sąsiada, odwołując się przy tym do wspólnoty narodowej, kulturowej i językowej. W praktyce jednak polityka Rumunii wobec Mołdawii (a co za tym idzie, także wzajemne stosunki) kształtowana jest najczęściej nie przez sentymenty, lecz przez polityczny pragmatyzm wynikający m.in. z chęci zdobycia poparcia rumuńskiego elektoratu.

The future of internet governance : should the United States relinquish its authority over ICANN
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Year: 2018 Publisher: [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service,

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Potemkin conservatism. An ideological tool of the Kremlin
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Year: 2015 Publisher: Warszawa [Poland] : OSW Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia

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Since the beginning of his third presidential term, Vladimir Putin has consistently invoked conservative ideology. Thus he legitimises the Kremlin’s new political strategy, the aim of which is to stabilise the regime and prevent any political mobilisation in Russia around a liberal agenda. This strategy is also intended to strengthen the legitimacy of the current model of government, by portraying it as ‘traditional’ for Russia; and to justify the government’s repressive and anti-Western policies. It also includes the policy of reintegrating the post-Soviet space under the auspices of Moscow, as evidenced by the annexation of Crimea and the Novorossiya project. This strategy was devised as a response to the galvanisation of adherents of liberalisation in Russia, namely the new middle class and a part of the business and administrative elites who publicly demonstrated their dissatisfaction with the regime in 2011 and 2012. However, the dissonance between the conservative slogans mouthed by the ruling elite and its actual conduct suggest that the Kremlin’s ‘conservative project’ is purely instrumental in nature, which in the longer term will undercut its effectiveness by undermining its credibility in the eyes of Russian society.

The "pay ratio provision" in the Dodd-Frank act: legislation to repeal it in the 113th Congress
Authors: ---
Year: 2018 Publisher: [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service,

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Współpraca rozwojowa made in Germany
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Year: 2015 Publisher: Warszawa [Poland] : OSW Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia

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W RFN od wielu lat polityka rozwojowa przykuwa uwagę opinii publicznej oraz cieszy się dużym poparciem społecznym. Jednocześnie dla Niemców współpraca rozwojowa nie jest rodzajem pomocy humanitarnej. Jest formą umowy pomiędzy równorzędnymi partnerami, którzy z tej współpracy wyciągają obopólne korzyści. Niemiecka polityka rozwojowa stanowi wsparcie dla gospodarki RFN. Dzięki niej i znacznemu udziałowi państwa w projektach rozwojowych zmniejsza się ryzyko inwestycyjne dla niemieckich przedsiębiorców angażujących się w państwach rozwijających się. Dodatkowo współpraca bilateralna skutecznie buduje markę made in Germany zarówno w odniesieniu do polityki rozwojowej, jak i dalszej kooperacji gospodarczej, uzależniając pośrednio odbiorców współpracy rozwojowej od niemieckich towarów i usług. // Polityka rozwojowa jest również obok niemieckiej dyplomacji oraz polityki obronnej trzecim elementem polityki zagranicznej Niemiec. Pełni ona w tym ujęciu przede wszystkim funkcję prewencyjną wobec konfliktów międzynarodowych. Inwestowanie środków w ramach projektów rozwojowych w obszarach, gdzie toczą się konflikty zbrojne lub gdzie występuje znaczne ryzyko ich wybuchu, jest przez RFN postrzegane jako wkład w przezwyciężanie kryzysów lub usuwanie ich przyczyn. Towarzyszy też temu przekonanie, że konflikty międzynarodowe, gdziekolwiek się pojawiają, szkodzą niemieckiej gospodarce opartej na eksporcie.

The unfinished state. 25 years of independent Moldova
Authors: ---
Year: 2016 Publisher: Warszawa [Poland] : OSW Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia

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The Republic of Moldova is an exceptional state. It was the only Soviet republic to proclaim independence, on 27 August 1991, in order to become part of another state, i.e. Romania, rather than building its own independent political future. After the civil war, the break-up of the common state and the de facto collapse of the unification project, the newly established Moldova found itself in an ideological vacuum. With no experience of statehood, no coherent historical narrative or responsible political elites, and with a nation that was unsure of its identity, it set off on a long march in search of an idea that could define the shape of its statehood and the direction of its future development. // Twenty-five years on, the social and political project called the Republic of Moldova is experiencing a grave crisis. The Moldovan statehood remains fragile and seemingly impermanent. The country’s successive governments have not been able to build effective state institutions or create adequate conditions for economic development. After years of structural and economic weakness, today’s Moldova as led by Vlad Plahotniuc, the country’s most powerful politician and businessman, is a typical post-Soviet oligarchy ruled by a narrow clique interested mainly in protecting its own political and business interests.

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