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De term radicalisering staat hoog op de lijst van ons politiek woordgebruik. Deze 19de-eeuwse term stamt uit een progressieve en liberale gedachtegoed. Nu duidt hij steevast op verontrustende ideologische tendensen en processen - vaak van moslimsignatuur - die zouden kunnen leiden tot geweld. In deze lezing staat Fadil stil bij de semantische verschuiving van de term radicalisering gedurende de laatste vijftien jaar. Ze toont aan hoe de term radicalisering gradueel als ideologisch denkkader ging fungeren om bepaalde vormen van activisme en politiek handelen te pathologiseren en te problematiseren. Ze argumenteert dat de term radicalisering tekenend is voor een onvermogen om niet-seculiere en niet-westerse taal en actievormen te integreren in een politieke woordenschat.
Political philosophy. Social philosophy --- Europe --- #SBIB:321H30 --- #SBIB:17H3 --- #SBIB:17H20 --- politieke filosofie --- Hedendaagse politieke en sociale theorieën (vanaf de 19de eeuw): algemeen (incl. utilitarisme, burgerschap) --- Politieke wijsbegeerte --- Sociale wijsbegeerte: algemeen --- 32 --- Radicalisme --- Radicalisering --- Multiculturele samenleving --- Islam en het Westen --- Islamitisch-fundamentalisme --- Godsdienst --- Islam in het Westen --- Social problems --- Colonisation. Decolonisation --- Pragmatics --- Politiek --- PXL-Central Office 2020 --- maatschappijproblemen --- multiculturele samenleving --- radicalisme --- Islam --- Moslimfundamentalisme --- Filosofie --- Psychologie --- Sociologie --- Architectuur --- Man --- Cultuur --- Erfelijkheidsleer --- Stadssamenleving --- Verpleegkunde --- Volwassene --- 668.1 Migrantenbeleid --- radicalisering --- politiek woordgebruik --- ideologische tendensen en processen --- geweld --- semantiek --- activisme --- politiek handelen --- niet-seculiere en niet-westerse taal en actievormen --- politieke woordenschat
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"Taking its cue from the study of 'lived religion', Secular Bodies, Affects and Emotions shows how the idea of a secular public is equally marked by a display and cultivation of affect and emotions. Whereas it is widely agreed that religion is often saturated by emotion, the secular is usually treated as a neutral background serving as the domain of public, rational deliberation. This book demonstrates that secularity and secularism are also upheld by bodily practices and emotional attachments. Drawing on empirical case studies, this is the first book to ask and explore whether a secular body exists. Building on the work of Talal Asad, the book argues that the secular is not an absence of religion, but a positive entity that comes about through its co-constitutive relationship with religion. And, once we attune ourselves to recognizing its operations as grammar which structures social practice, writing an anthropology of the secular could become a new possibility."--Bloomsbury Publishing.
Secularism --- Emotions --- #SBIB:316.331H630 --- #SBIB:316.331H360 --- #SBIB:39A10 --- Ethics --- Irreligion --- Utilitarianism --- Atheism --- Postsecularism --- Secularization (Theology) --- Religious aspects --- Secularisatie en sociale verandering, modernisering, ontkerkelijking, kerkelijke bezittingen --- Godsdienst en menselijk leven: algemeen --- Antropologie: religie, riten, magie, hekserij --- Religious aspects. --- History of religion --- Religion and politics --- Anthropology
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The concept of 'radicalization' is now used to account for all forms of violent and non-violent political Islam. Used widely within the security services and picked up by academia, the term was initially coined by the General Intelligence and Security Service of the Netherlands (AIVD) after the 9/11 and Pentagon attacks, an origin that is rarely recognised.This book comprises contributions from leading scholars in the field of critical security studies to trace the introduction, adoption and dissemination of 'radicalization' as a concept. It is the first book to offer a critical analysis and history of the term as an 'empty signifier', that is, a word that might not necessarily refer to something existing in the real world. The diverse contributions consider how the term has circulated since its emergence in the Netherlands and Belgium, its appearance in academia, its existence among the people categorized as 'radicals' and its impact on relationships of trust between public officials and their clients. Building on the traditions of critical security studies and critical studies on terrorism, the book reaffirms the importance of a reflective approach to counter-radicalization discourse and policies. It will be essential reading for scholars of security studies, political anthropology, the study of Islam in the west and European studies.Bron: https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/radicalization-in-belgium-and-the-netherlands-9781784538897/
Islam --- Social problems --- Criminology. Victimology --- islamitisch fundamentalisme --- criminologie --- terrorisme --- Netherlands --- Belgium --- Radicalisering --- Radicalisme --- België --- Nederland --- Geweld --- Veiligheid --- Islamic fundamentalism. --- National security. --- Radicalization. --- Radicalisation violente. --- Sécurité nationale. --- Intégrisme islamique. --- Radicalization --- National security --- Islamic fundamentalism --- #SBIB:316.331H333 --- #SBIB:316.331H421 --- Fundamentalism, Islamic --- Islamism --- Religious fundamentalism --- National security policy --- NSP (National security policy) --- Security policy, National --- Economic policy --- International relations --- Military policy --- Radicalisation --- Political science --- Godsdienst, oorlog en vrede --- Morfologie van de godsdiensten: Islam --- Government policy --- Ethnic relations --- Ethic relations. --- 081 Godsdienst
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Interracial relationships in Poland, despite their small numbers, are subjects of considerable social concern, which is rooted in various intersecting discourses about gender, race, and nationality. In my research, I explored the extent to which these discourses have impact on experiences of Polish women with partners considered to be cultural and/or racial “others”. The results are presented in temporal logic, tracing the life trajectories of my interlocutors. I argue that despite the initial hardships – such as family conflicts, or dealing with state’s unfavourable policies – my participants do not feel marginalized or excluded by virtue of being in “mixed relationships”. Instead, they often spoke about themselves using the same local regimes of diversity that estrange their partners and themselves. The fact of having a culturally mixed family did not constitute a basis for negotiating or constructing new identity against the dominant culture, but it did contribute to emergence of distinctive form of personhood on an individual level.
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On August 11th 2016 Zambia held a national referendum to amend to the Bill of Rights alongside general elections. The referendum, however, failed to pull through as the required fifty percent voter’s turnout was not met. The proposed Bill of Rights would guarantee the equality of both genders instead of a non-discrimination based on sex provision. Men and women would have the right to equal treatment, opportunities, inheritance, land ownership, marriage and reproductive health. The aim of this thesis is to elaborate on the perspectives of women in Zambia with the current Bill of Rights and with the proposed Bill of Rights. Does the amendment to enhance the Bill of Rights actually results in an improved situation for women? The current Bill of Rights, for example, safeguards the freedom to practice a culture of choice. Traditional African cultures with its customary law nevertheless are erelong associated with gender discrimination. The enhanced Bill of Rights provides a profound equality clause, which the right to cultural diversity and customary law cannot trump. The question is or an enhanced Bill of Rights can indeed provide a solution to gender discrimination. Through qualitative interviews, the observation of two customary trials and extensive literature study, I define the perspectives of women in Zambia. The current Bill of Rights emphasizes the cultural identity of women, while the proposed Bill of Rights focuses on the gender identity of women. Hence, a dichotomy of culture and gender equality is created. Within five years’ time, the referendum will be repeated. Hopefully, the Zambian government makes use of those years to be inspired by the Maputo Protocol, which balances gender and cultural rights – taking intersectionality into account.
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Dit boek wijzigt op radicale wijze de termen waarin het debat tot nu toe gevoerd is. Het geeft een baanbrekend perspectief op de multiculturele samenleving in Vlaanderen en bespreekt een reeks heikele thema's, gaande van religie, feminisme, kolonialisme en klasse tot identiteitspolitiek. Hier wordt de controverse niet uit de weg gegaan. Het debat over een multicultureel Vlaanderen gaat in feite over (de grenzen van) 'de Vlaamse cultuur'. Het is tevens een debat dat tegenstellingen tussen conservatief en progressief, tussen rechts en links, overschrijdt (Bron: covertekst)
maatschappijkritiek --- Sociology of culture --- allochtonen --- minderheden --- multiculturele samenleving --- Flanders --- 668.6 Multiculturele samenleving --- #SBIB:323H510 --- 323.11 <493> --- S20100052.JPG --- Vlaanderen --- Belgische politieke cultuur en processen --- Nationaliteiten. Rassen --(politieke vraagstukken)--België --- 493.8 --- 325 --- Culturele identiteit --- Multiculturele samenleving --- Verdraagzaamheid. --- Multiculturalism --- Vlaanderen. --- Flanders (Belgium) --- Ethnic relations. --- 323.11 <493> Nationaliteiten. Rassen --(politieke vraagstukken)--België --- Belgium --- Cultural diversity policy --- Cultural pluralism --- Cultural pluralism policy --- Ethnic diversity policy --- Social policy --- Anti-racism --- Ethnicity --- Cultural fusion --- Ethnic relations --- Government policy --- multiculturaliteit --- Feminism --- Migration background --- Islam --- Colonialism --- Nationalism --- Book --- Integration --- Empowerment
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