Choose an application

• Reference Manager
• EndNote
• RefWorks (Direct export to RefWorks)

Since the Second World War, congressional parties have been characterized as declining in strength and influence. Research has generally attributed this decline to policy conflicts within parties, to growing electoral independence of members, and to the impact of the congressional reforms of the 1970's. Yet the 1980's witnessed a strong resurgence of parties and party leadership-especially in the House of Representatives. Offering a concise and compelling explanation of the causes of this resurgence, David W. Rohde argues that a realignment of electoral forces led to a reduction of sectional divisions within the parties-particularly between the northern and southern Democrats-and to increased divergence between the parties on many important issues. He challenges previous findings by asserting that congressional reform contributed to, rather than restrained, the increase of partisanship. Among the Democrats, reforms siphoned power away from conservative and autocratic committee chairs and put control of those committees in the hands of Democratic committee caucuses, strengthening party leaders and making both party and committee leaders responsible to rank-and-file Democrats. Electoral changes increased the homogeneity of House Democrats while institutional reforms reduced the influence of dissident members on a consensus in the majority party. Rohde's accessible analysis provides a detailed discussion of the goals of the congressional reformers, the increased consensus among Democrats and its reinforcement by their caucus, the Democratic leadership's use of expanded powers to shape the legislative agenda, and the responses of House Republicans. He also addresses the changes in the relationship between the House majority and the president during the Carter and Reagan administrations and analyzes the legislative consequences of the partisan resurgence. A readable, systematic synthesis of the many complex factors that fueled the recent resurgence of partisanship, Parties and Leaders in the Postreform House is ideal for course use.

Political parties --- United States. --- Leadership. --- United States --- Politics and government --- congressional parties, politics, political science, congress, government, power, influence, policy, conflict, electoral independence, reform, leadership, house of representatives, sectional division, southern democrats, divergence, platform, partisanship, committee caucuses, party leaders, homogeneity, dissdents, consensus, agenda, legislation, carter, reagan, administration, roll-call voting, wright speakership, nonfiction, history.

Choose an application

• Reference Manager
• EndNote
• RefWorks (Direct export to RefWorks)

It is usually held that representative government is not strictly democratic, since it does not allow the people themselves to directly make decisions. But here, taking as her guide Thomas Paine's subversive view that "Athens, by representation, would have surpassed her own democracy," Nadia Urbinati challenges this accepted wisdom, arguing that political representation deserves to be regarded as a fully legitimate mode of democratic decision making-and not just a pragmatic second choice when direct democracy is not possible. As Urbinati shows, the idea that representation is incompatible with democracy stems from our modern concept of sovereignty, which identifies politics with a decision maker's direct physical presence and the immediate act of the will. She goes on to contend that a democratic theory of representation can and should go beyond these identifications. Political representation, she demonstrates, is ultimately grounded in a continuum of influence and power created by political judgment, as well as the way presence through ideas and speech links society with representative institutions. Deftly integrating the ideas of such thinkers as Rousseau, Kant, Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès, Paine, and the Marquis de Condorcet with her own, Urbinati constructs a thought-provoking alternative vision of democracy.

Representative government and representation. --- Democracy. --- Parliamentary government --- Political representation --- Representation --- Self-government --- Constitutional history --- Constitutional law --- Political science --- Democracy --- Elections --- Republics --- Suffrage --- Equality --- Representative government and representation --- representative government, democracy, politics, political science, athens, sovereignty, representation, accountability, decision making, influence, power, electorate, voting, marquis de condorcet, paine, emmanuel joseph sieyes, kant, rousseau, discord, ballot, free speech, circulation of ideas, public, community, partisanship, fairness, justice, equality, advocacy, delegates, freedom, judgement, revolution, consent, federalism, sensus communis, despotism, constitutionalism, collegiality, moderation, trust, surveillance, nonfiction.

Choose an application

• Reference Manager
• EndNote
• RefWorks (Direct export to RefWorks)

"The Sixties." The powerful images conveyed by those two words have become an enduring part of American cultural and political history. But where did Sixties radicalism come from? Who planted the intellectual seeds that brought it into being? These questions are answered with striking clarity in Andrew Jamison and Ron Eyerman's book. The result is a combination of history and biography that vividly portrays an entire culture in transition. The authors focus on specific individuals, each of whom in his or her distinctive way carried the ideas of the 1930s into the decades after World War II, and each of whom shared in inventing a new kind of intellectual partisanship. They begin with C. Wright Mills, Hannah Arendt, and Erich Fromm and show how their work linked the "old left" of the Thirties to the "new left" of the Sixties. Lewis Mumford, Rachel Carson, and Fairfield Osborn laid the groundwork for environmental activism; Herbert Marcuse, Margaret Mead, and Leo Szilard articulated opposition to the postwar "scientific-technological state." Alternatives to mass culture were proposed by Allen Ginsberg, James Baldwin, and Mary McCarthy; and Saul Alinsky, Dorothy Day, and Martin Luther King, Jr., made politics personal. This is an unusual book, written with an intimacy that brings to life both intellect and emotion. The portraits featured here clearly demonstrate that the transforming radicalism of the Sixties grew from the legacy of an earlier generation of thinkers. With a deep awareness of the historical trends in American culture, the authors show us the continuing relevance these partisan intellectuals have for our own age. "In a time colored by 'political correctness' and the ascendancy of market liberalism, it is well to remember the partisan intellectuals of the 1950s. They took sides and dissented without becoming dogmatic. May we be able to say the same about ourselves."--from Chapter 7.

NON-CLASSIFIABLE. --- United States --- Intellectual life --- Civilization --- 20th century america political history. --- 20th century american culture. --- 20th century american history. --- allen ginsberg. --- american culture. --- american history. --- c wright mills. --- dorothy day. --- environmental activism. --- erich fromm. --- fairfield osborn. --- hannah arendt. --- herbert marcuse. --- intellectual partisanship. --- james baldwin. --- leo szilard. --- lewis mumford. --- margaret mead. --- martin luther king jr. --- mary mccarthy. --- mass culture. --- old left. --- politics. --- rachel carson. --- radicalism. --- saul alinsky. --- scientific technological state.

Choose an application

• Reference Manager
• EndNote
• RefWorks (Direct export to RefWorks)

The Speaker of the House of Representatives is the most powerful partisan figure in the contemporary U.S. Congress. How this came to be, and how the majority party in the House has made control of the speakership a routine matter, is far from straightforward. Fighting for the Speakership provides a comprehensive history of how Speakers have been elected in the U.S. House since 1789, arguing that the organizational politics of these elections were critical to the construction of mass political parties in America and laid the groundwork for the role they play in setting the agenda of Congress today. Jeffery Jenkins and Charles Stewart show how the speakership began as a relatively weak office, and how votes for Speaker prior to the Civil War often favored regional interests over party loyalty. While struggle, contention, and deadlock over House organization were common in the antebellum era, such instability vanished with the outbreak of war, as the majority party became an "organizational cartel" capable of controlling with certainty the selection of the Speaker and other key House officers. This organizational cartel has survived Gilded Age partisan strife, Progressive Era challenge, and conservative coalition politics to guide speakership elections through the present day. Fighting for the Speakership reveals how struggles over House organization prior to the Civil War were among the most consequential turning points in American political history.

Political parties --- History. --- United States. --- U.S. House of Representatives --- House of Representatives (U.S.) --- Palata Predstaviteleĭ Kongressa SShA --- Speakers --- United States. Congress --- Orators --- History --- United States --- American political history. --- Anti-Lecomptons. --- Clerk. --- Congress. --- Democratic Party. --- Democrats. --- House of Representatives. --- House officer elections. --- House officer nominations. --- House officers. --- John C. Calhoun. --- Joseph G. Cannon. --- Martin van Buren. --- Nathaniel Banks. --- Printer. --- Reed Rules. --- Republican Party. --- Second Party System. --- Speaker. --- U.S. Congress. --- Whig Party. --- coalition. --- committees. --- congressional elections. --- floor debate. --- majority party. --- organizational cartel. --- organizational control. --- organizational politics. --- partisanship. --- party building. --- party caucus. --- party strength. --- patronage. --- political parties. --- procedural cartel. --- roll call votes. --- secret ballot. --- slavery. --- speakership elections. --- speakership. --- viva voce voting.

Choose an application

• Reference Manager
• EndNote
• RefWorks (Direct export to RefWorks)

When a government in a democracy acts in our name, are we, as citizens, responsible for those acts? What if the government commits a moral crime? The protestor's slogan--"Not in our name!"--testifies to the need to separate ourselves from the wrongs of our leaders. Yet the idea that individual citizens might bear a special responsibility for political wrongdoing is deeply puzzling for ordinary morality and leading theories of democracy. In Our Name explains how citizens may be morally exposed to the failures of their representatives and state institutions, and how complicity is the professional hazard of democratic citizenship. Confronting the ethical challenges that citizens are faced with in a self-governing democracy, Eric Beerbohm proposes institutional remedies for dealing with them. Beerbohm questions prevailing theories of democracy for failing to account for our dual position as both citizens and subjects. Showing that the obligation to participate in the democratic process is even greater when we risk serving as accomplices to wrongdoing, Beerbohm argues for a distinctive division of labor between citizens and their representatives that charges lawmakers with the responsibility of incorporating their constituents' moral principles into their reasoning about policy. Grappling with the practical issues of democratic decision making, In Our Name engages with political science, law, and psychology to envision mechanisms for citizens seeking to avoid democratic complicity.

Democracy --- Moral and ethical aspects. --- Moral and ethical aspects --- John Rawls. --- Justice as Fairness. --- agency. --- associative accounts. --- authority. --- belief. --- citizens. --- citizenship. --- coauthors. --- cognitive biases. --- cognitive burden. --- cognitive partisanship. --- complicity. --- cosubjects. --- decision making. --- delegation. --- deliberation. --- deliberative democracy. --- democracy. --- democratic institutions. --- democratic labor. --- democratic state. --- democratic theory. --- distributive justice. --- elections. --- epistemic virtues. --- ethics. --- government. --- heuristics. --- injustice. --- judicial mechanisms. --- judicial review. --- justice. --- lawmaking. --- macrodemocratic theory. --- marginality. --- microdemocratic theory. --- moral obligations. --- moral value. --- morality. --- nonideal democratic theory. --- participation. --- participatory accounts. --- patriotism. --- peer principle. --- philosopher-citizens. --- plebiscitary mechanisms. --- political science. --- political wrongdoing. --- politics. --- popular constitutionalism. --- practical authority. --- pride. --- principled representation. --- principles theory. --- principles. --- public speech. --- reasoning. --- redundancy. --- regret. --- representation. --- representatives. --- responsibility. --- shared liability. --- social order. --- socioeconomic inequalities. --- superdeliberation. --- superdeliberators. --- triage principle. --- usability principle. --- Political philosophy. Social philosophy --- General ethics