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Nonviolence. --- Social movements. --- Non-violence --- Mouvements sociaux
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Information and communication technologies have transformed the dynamics of contention in contemporary society. Social networks such as Facebook and Twitter, and devices such as smartphones have increasingly played a central role in facilitating and mobilizing social movements throughout different parts of the world. Concurrently, the same technologies have been taken up by public authorities (including security agencies and the police) and have been used as surveillance tools to monitor and suppress the activities of certain demonstrators. The book explores the complex and contradictory relationships between communication and information technologies and social movements by drawing on different case studies from around the world. The contributions analyse how new communication and information technologies impact the way protests are carried out and controlled in the current information age. The authors focus on recent events that date from the Arab Spring onwards and pose questions regarding the future of protests, surveillance and digital landscapes.
PROTEST MOVEMENTS --- SOCIAL MOVEMENTS --- SOCIAL MEDIA --- INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY --- Police patrol --- Social media. --- Social movements. --- Surveillance operations.
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C’est en sociologue que Michel Wieviorka aborde la question du mal et formule une proposition aussi dérangeante que convaincante.Violence sans limites, haine raciste, repli identitaire : le mal progresse, partout dans le monde, et n’épargne pas la France. Michel Wieviorka lance ici une proposition apparemment iconoclaste: pour guérir le mal, il faut plus de conflit. Le mot de « mal » peut surprendre de la part du sociologue. C’est pourtant, avec l’antidote qu’il met en avant, le conflit, ce qui fait la force et l’originalité de sa réflexion. Pour faire face au mal, il est vain de céder à l’incantation d’une société harmonieuse, et il ne suffit pas de promouvoir le lien social, l’unité nationale, l’égalité républicaine, l’intégration de tous... Non, l’urgent est d’encourager le débat et de reconnaître le conflit, mais pas la violence, pour qu’ils se substituent à la crise. Pour Michel Wieviorka, nous avons besoin de plus de relations conflictuelles. Il est grand temps, selon lui, de penser le conflit et sa « ré-institutionnalisation », la réinvention du mouvement social et son traitement politique – là réside l’espoir de sortir de la violence brute.
GOOD AND EVIL --- SOCIAL CONFLICT --- VIOLENCE --- Social conflict. --- Violence. --- Social conflict --- Violence --- Social movements
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This book explains the fraught relationship between the governed and governing in Putin's Russia - with special reference to the dramatic election protests of 2011-2012 and their aftermath.
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Contestatiebewegingen --- Geweldloosheid --- Macht (Sociale wetenschappen) --- Mouvements contestataires --- Non-violence --- Nonviolence --- Political power --- Pouvoir (Sciences sociales) --- Power (Social sciences) --- Protest movements --- Protestbewegingen --- #SBIB:327.5H20Vredesonderzoek: algemeen --- #SBIB:327.5H20 --- Vredesonderzoek: algemeen --- Social movements --- Empowerment (Social sciences) --- Exchange theory (Sociology) --- Political science --- Social sciences --- Sociology --- Consensus (Social sciences) --- Government, Resistance to --- Pacifism
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861 Vredesbeweging --- 872 Massavernietigingswapens --- Antinuclear movement --- Nuclear disarmament --- History. --- Mouvement antinucléaire --- Désarmement nucléaire --- History --- Histoire --- World history --- Polemology --- anno 1970-1979 --- anno 1960-1969 --- anno 1950-1959 --- Anti-nuclear movement --- Antinuclear protest movement --- Nuclear freeze movement --- Protest movement, Antinuclear --- Social movements --- Nuclear power plants
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Of all the different types of civil war, disputes over self-determination are the most likely to escalate into war and resist compromise settlement. Reputation and Civil War argues that this low rate of negotiation is the result of reputation building, in which governments refuse to negotiate with early challengers in order to discourage others from making more costly demands in the future. Jakarta's wars against East Timor and Aceh, for example, were not designed to maintain sovereignty but to signal to Indonesia's other minorities that secession would be costly. Employing data from three different sources - laboratory experiments on undergraduates, statistical analysis of data on self-determination movements, and qualitative analyses of recent history in Indonesia and the Philippines - Barbara F. Walter provides some of the first systematic evidence that reputation strongly influences behavior, particularly between governments and ethnic minorities fighting over territory.
SELF-DETERMINATION, NATIONAL --- AUTONOMY AND INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENTS --- CIVIL WAR --- POLITICAL VIOLENCE --- Civil war. --- Insurgency. --- Autonomy and independence movements. --- Political violence. --- Violence --- Political crimes and offenses --- Terrorism --- National independence movements --- Secession movements --- Social movements --- Decolonization --- Nationalism --- Insurgent attacks --- Rebellions --- Civil war --- Revolutions --- Government, Resistance to --- Internal security --- Civil wars --- Intra-state war --- International law --- War
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An examination of the reasons independence movements remain peaceful or become violent.
Autonomy and independence movements. --- Nationalism. --- Secession. --- Separatist movements. --- Secessionist movements --- Social movements --- Secession --- Sovereignty --- Separatist movements --- Consciousness, National --- Identity, National --- National consciousness --- National identity --- International relations --- Patriotism --- Political science --- Autonomy and independence movements --- Internationalism --- Political messianism --- National independence movements --- Secession movements --- Decolonization --- Nationalism --- Ethnic relations --- Political aspects.
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During the first decade of the 21st century, a remarkable phenomenon swept through the former Soviet Union changing the political, social and cultural landscape. Popularly known as the 'Colour Revolutions', these non-violent protests overthrew autocratic regimes in three post-soviet republics: the Georgian Rose Revolution (2003), the Ukrainian Orange Revolution (2004) and the Kyrgyzstani Tulip Revolution (2005). This book examines the significance of these regime-change processes for the post-soviet world in particular and for global politics in the 21st century. <
Protest movements --- Opposition (Political science) --- Former Soviet republics --- Politics and government --- Politics and government. --- Protest movementsFormer Soviet republicsPolitics and government. --- #SBIB:328H263 --- #SBIB:324H73 --- Political opposition --- Political science --- Divided government --- Social movements --- Instellingen en beleid: andere GOS-staten --- Politieke verandering: oppositie en minderheid, protest, politiek geweld --- Contestation --- Opposition (Science politique) --- Ex-URSS --- Politique et gouvernement --- Protest movements - Former Soviet republics --- Opposition (Political science) - Former Soviet republics --- Former Soviet republics - Politics and government
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Antinuclear movement --- Peace movements --- -341.67 --- -172.4 --- 355.019 --- 327.36 --- Anti-war movements --- Antiwar movements --- Protest movements, War --- War protest movements --- Social movements --- Anti-nuclear movement --- Antinuclear protest movement --- Nuclear freeze movement --- Protest movement, Antinuclear --- Nuclear disarmament --- Nuclear power plants --- Congresses. --- Congresses --- Ontwapening. Beperking ,vermindering van bewapening. Salt akkoorden. ABC akkoorden. Non-proliferatieverdragen. Oorlogspreventie --- Nuclear power plantsCongresses. --- 341.67 Ontwapening. Beperking ,vermindering van bewapening. Salt akkoorden. ABC akkoorden. Non-proliferatieverdragen. Oorlogspreventie --- 172.4 --- 341.67
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