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As shown by China's relationship to Japan, and Japan's relationship to South Korea, even growing regional economic interdependencies are not enough to overcome bitter memories grounded in earlier wars, invasions, and periods of colonial domination. Although efforts to ease historical animosity have been made, few have proven to be successful in Northeast Asia. In previous research scholars anticipated an improvement in relations through thick economic interdependence or increased societal contact. In economic terms, however, Japan and China already trade heavily: Japan has emerged as China's largest trading partner and China as second largest to Japan. Societal contact is already intense, as millions of Chinese, Koreans, and Japanese visit one another's countries annually as students, tourists, and on business trips. But these developments have not alleviated international distrust and negative perception, or resolved disagreement on what constitutes "adequate reparation" regarding the countries' painful history. Noticing clashes of strong nationalisms around the world in areas like Northeast Asia, numerous studies have suggested that more peaceful relations are likely only if countries submerge or paper over existing national identities by promoting universalism. Pride, Not Prejudice argues, to the contrary, that affirmation of national identities may be a more effective way to build international cooperation. If each national population reflects on the values of their national identity, trust and positive perception can increase between countries. This idea is consistent with the theoretical foundation that those who have a clear, secure, and content sense of self, in turn, can be more open, evenhanded, and less defensive toward others. In addition, this reduced defensiveness also enhances guilt admission by past "inflictors" of conflict and colonialism. Eunbin Chung borrows the social psychological theory of self-affirmation and applies it to an international context to argue that affirmation of a national identity, or reflecting on what it means to be part of one's country, can increase trust, guilt recognition, and positive perception between countries.
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Juergen Kleiner presents an overview of the practice of international diplomacy, explaining the role of different actors such as international agencies, diplomats & consuls.
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Track Two diplomacy consists of informal dialogues among actors such as academics, religious leaders, retired senior officials, and NGO officials that can bring new ideas and new relationships to the official process of diplomacy. Sadly, those involved in official diplomacy often have little understanding of and appreciation for the complex and nuanced role that Track Two can play, or for its limitations. And many Track Two practitioners are often unaware of the realities and pressures of the policy and diplomatic worlds, and not particularly adept at framing their efforts to make them accessible to hard-pressed officials. At the same time, those interested in the academic study of Track Two sometimes fail to understand the realities faced by either set of practitioners. A need therefore exists for a work to bridge the divides between these constituencies and between the different types of Track Two practice—and this book crosses disciplines and traditions in order to do just that. It explores the various dimensions and guises of Track Two, the theory and practice of how they work, and how both practitioners and academics could more profitably assess Track Two. Overall, it provides a comprehensive picture of the range of activities pursued under this title, to provoke new thinking about how these activities relate to each other, to official diplomacy, and to academe.
Track two diplomacy. --- Track II diplomacy --- Track 2 diplomacy --- Diplomacy
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Juan Marchena pointed out at the time, that "you have to stop following looking at our navels". This phrase, intended for the context of independence American, reflects his deep concern for a story that would break the local schemes, national borders and interconnected with a larger than would allow us to analyze the future of America, linking events both Americans as Europeans. Within this framework, he would also place emphasis on the analysis of social dynamics, many of them conditioned by political, social, economic and geographical contexts, among others. One of his references would be the repercussions of the French Revolution in the Caribbean, and its direct influence on the movements in Martinique (1790-1793), Guadeloupe (1795-1802) and the most relevant, Haiti (1804); this The latter, I would point out, would in turn have an effect on those that broke out in Venezuela and, in addition to arousing fears throughout Spanish America due to its political scope, it would also do so because it was a rebellion led by black slaves against the white European elite established in the new World.
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XLIe Congrès de la SHMESP (Société des historiens médiévistes de l'Enseignement supérieur public), Lyon, 3-6 juin 2010.
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This book examines early modern politics, diplomacy and finance by looking at the transfer of money and other resources between sovereigns in return for military or political service, often known as the payment of?subsidies?. Focusing on payments made by the French crown, the contributors explore how subsidies provided opportunities for princes, statesmen, generals and merchant-bankers to pursue their political goals. By highlighting the ways in which the payment and acceptance of subsidies shaped concepts of honour and reputation, the book shows how material interests and questions of identity coalesced. The construction of states and the political debates within polities are seen to have been influenced by the movement of money and resources across borders. Consequently, the interaction between financial and mercantile hubs and networks was vital to state formation in early modern Europe.
Diplomacy. --- Subsidies.
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In the summer of 1634 the grand-ducal ambassador resident in France Giovan Battista Gondi made an undercover journey to Spanish Netherlands to meet Maria de' Medici and tried to persuade her to leave the Habsburg territories for Florence. Despite the failure of the negotiations, a series of unpublished letters exchanged between Gondi and the first secretary of the Grand Duchy Andrea Cioli will serve as an opportunity to analyze which cultural and artistic affairs involved the Tuscan agent alongside the political events he primarily dealt with. In his letters Gondi described different artefacts that could have been acquired for the Medici collection, and publications that could have contributed to the reputation of the Grand Duke or, on the contrary, jeopardized it.
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In this paper, we will explore the political construction of washoku by analyzing Japan's recent strategy of gastronationalism and gastrodiplomacy. We will argue that the definition of washoku, as inscribed in the UNESCO's International Cultural Heritage List in 2013, is the result of a process of invention of tradition whose aim is to homogenize and preserve national identity and project this identity abroad. While emphasizing the role of food as an essential element of national identity, we will also show that the promotion of washoku is also motivated by the need to address several issues of broader domestic politics. Starting from the assumption that Japan's low food self-sufficiency rate could be improved only by increasing the demand for Japanese food, the government implemented a strategy of promotion of washoku at home (gastronationalism) and abroad (gastrodiplomacy) in order to increase both the domestic consumption of traditional food and the export of agrifood products.
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