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Zur Idee des demokratischen KapitalismusVorwort des AutorsMit diesem Buch richte ich mich an den Zeitgeist, an eine Zeit, die sich mit dem Wählen und Abwählen alter Ideen beschäftigt.In dieser Zeit versuchen alte Denkmuster die Oberhand über etwas zu gewinnen, dass sie längst nicht mehr verstehen.Der Fortschritt der Naturwissenschaften hat die Politik längst hinter sich gelassen. Wir schwärmen von heroischen Taten in der weiten Vergangenheit und bewundern das Engagement der Helden aus den letzten Stunden des kalten Krieges.Doch wenn wir endlich die Augen aufmachen, werden wir sehen, dass diese
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In this collection of trenchant essays and interviews, István Mészáros, the world's preeminent Marxist philosopher and winner of the 2008 Libertador Award for Critical Thought (the Bolivar Prize), lays bare the exploitative structure of modern capitalism. He argues with great power that the world's economies are on a social and ecological precipice, and that unless we take decisive action to radically transform our societies we will find ourselves thrust headfirst into barbarism and environmental catastrophe. Mészáros, however, is no pessimist. He believes that the multiple crises of world cap
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A major statement on the Anglo-American economic model from a leading theorist of contemporary capitalism and a call for a new social settlement based on greater income equality and social justice.
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"This book puts forward an innovative standpoint for politics and governance that seeks meaningful connections with organized crime, corruption and ecocide. Looking into the sources of their growth and global spread, it upholds that capitalism, the market system and economic liberalism have nourished and enabled such developments, while criminal organizations, corrupt politicians, businessmen and multinationals engaged in ecocide have been evolving and bringing havoc to countries and their populations alike. Furthermore, it intimates how organized crime, corruption and ecocide have thrived and turned out to be a conspicuous and wide-ranging player not only in governance but also in politics worldwide. When we ask ourselves why such developments took place, the answer would disclose an outrageous picture: this process simply unfolded from using the same toolkit of resources, regulations, skills, and technological innovations that capitalism and the market system had been providing to the formal habitats of legal economy and politics since the nineteenth century; needless too say, with the help of an ideology entangled in economic liberalism and its latest outgrowth, neo liberalism. We could wonder why criminal organizations and political malfeasance were both able to carry out this way so far. The answer will shock everybody: because those organizations were allowed, firstly, to set up efficacious governances to profit from crime and, secondly, politics furnished them with clout, connivance, and power to handle riches and spoils. To countervail the hideous workings of a system that faces its reckoning days and own demise, the book finally puts forward that the social democracy is the best qualified political system to build up the road towards post capitalism. Let us take a look on the roadmap for this work. In chapter 1 we will lay the grounds to a comprehensive treatment of governance and politics, which must be assessed as complementary stages in pursuit of the common good[1]. Besides, political networks and their governance will be brought to the shore since they are changing the way politics is being crafted at the end of the day. Chapter 2 will focus on the basic tenets of sound governance and politics: firstly, accountability (as the interplay of both commitments and responsibilities) and, secondly, transparency. Against the mainstream approach, it will be ascertained that both features must be regarded as social learning processes. Finally, it will highlight the governance and politics of secrecy. It is for chapter 3 to deal with political conflict systems, claiming for a clinical approach to conflicts of interest, also introducing the notion and scope of dual governance that proves essential whenever we address the subject of state-owned firms. Chapter 4 will enlarge upon dysfunctional and opaque styles of governances, moving on to the capture of the state by groups of interest and spreading corruption. Due heed will be given to regulation, gatekeepers and connivance. Chapter 5 is devoted to the governance and politics of organized crime and ecocide, what amounts to a new approach to criminal organizations that sheds light to their partnership with bad governance and worse politics. Chapter 6 points out to the comprehensive failure of both capitalism and the so-called liberal market-system. Markets in the flesh will be described further, whereas several misunderstandings involved in the predicated coalescence between capitalism and democracy will be debunked eventually. Afterwards, the hideous consequences of the business interests of the military industrial complex in the most powerful countries, as well as the shock doctrine advocated by most graduates from the so-called Chicago School economists (joining forces with followers of the Washington Consensus) will be related together so as to connect the dots that lead to the crumbling of capitalism. Finally, the last chapter gathers the threads that run through the foregoing ones, so as to shape the following two lines of argument: It seems rather implausible that within the current architecture of capitalism and economic liberalism, the above-mentioned triad could be curbed, not least uprooted. And this should not be surprising, since the triad embodies and assimilates countless black holes streamlined in the incumbent political and economic structure. In this day and age, post capitalism cannot be regarded any longer as some utopian destination, but instead as a sheer need for redressing the wrongs of rampant social inequality and widespread spate of criminal behavior. That is why this book advocates that social democracy, social markets, and the welfare state will stand for post capitalism, within healthy representative democracies. [1] The reader will find, at the beginning of each chapter, an abstract as well as an introduction to their main contents"--
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"Radical Marxist political economists Utsa Patnaik and Prabhat Patnaik argue that the accumulation of capital has always required the taking of land, raw materials, and bodies from noncapitalist modes of production. They begin with a thorough debunking of mainstream economics. Then, looking at the history of capitalism, from the beginnings of colonialism half a millennium ago to today's neoliberal regimes, they discover that, over the long haul, capitalism, in order to exist, must metastasize itself in the practice of imperialism and the immiseration of countless people"--
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This book is a concise explanation of capitalism's moral and economic superiority to socialism, including America's current mixed-economy welfare state. This volume offers a focused, essentialized, and condensed argument ideal for the layman who admires capitalism but lacking a succinct, accessible explanation of its moral and economic virtues.
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"Not since Marx identified the manufacturing plants of Manchester as the blueprint for the new capitalist society has there been a more profound transformation of the fundamentals of our social life. As capitalism faces a series of structural crises, a new social, political and economic dynamic is emerging: peer to peer. What is peer to peer? Why is it essential for building a commons-centric future? How could this happen? These are the questions this book tries to answer. Peer to peer is a type of social relations in human networks, as well as a technological infrastructure that makes the generalization and scaling up of such relations possible. Thus, peer to peer enables a new mode of production and creates the potential for a transition to a commons-oriented economy.".
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