Listing 1 - 10 of 84 | << page >> |
Sort by
|
Choose an application
Choose an application
Re complex as two parallel nationalist movements - one seeking higher Yugoslav unity, the other arguing for the separate political autonomy of ethnic groups - often complemented one another, but at other times were in open conflict. Moreover, the political and territorial ambitions entailed by the various ethnic nationalisms often collided with each other. Eventually, as elsewhere, a marriage of necessity brought the two together. Yugoslav communists had to acknowledge that nationalism was a potent political force. They thus continued searching for a political project that could successfully combine both social and national emancipation in the context of developed and often mutually exclusive national projects of neighbouring groups. In this chapter, I show how the Yugoslav communists 'discovered' the successful federalist formula for the socialist re unification of Yugoslavia after the Second World War as well as how, as with any 'successful' formula, its discovery was preceded by numerous fruitless experiments.
Choose an application
'Who is in and who is out? - these are the first questions that any political community must answer about itself' (Walzer 1993: 55). We can agree with Michael Walzer on this point, but there is one important question that precedes asking who is in and who is out and that is, why are we in this together in the first place? How did a concrete political community come into being, and why does it still exist? How does a person find himself or herself in a particular community whose members are then recognized as co-citizens? And, are we all satisfied with the existing legal, political and social arrangements within the shared polity? Maybe we want our political community to be organized differently, or we want to belong to an entirely different community, one that exists or the one that is yet to be? In short, every political community is confronted with the why of its existence, having to convince its members - or at least a good portion of them - that they do belong together. This is what I call the citizenship argument of a political community.
Choose an application
The introductory chapter explains why Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav region, due to frequent constitutional changes, provides such an interesting and insightful example for studying modern politics and it shows why citizenship offers necessary lenses to understand political and social processes. It explains what do we mean by citizenship, in theory and practice, and why we introduce a heuristic concept of citizenship regime that encompasses legal and administrative side of inclusion and exclusion, social and political dynamic of membership and the influence of ideologies and everyday experiences of citizenship. The introduction shows the â citizenship gapâ in the literature covering the former Yugoslavia, the ideological conflicts over the concept and its practices and their inexplicable marginalization in the scholarship focused on the construction and, mostly, destruction of Yugoslavia. It also defines modern citizenship as a tool for various political and social purposes in this region over the last century. A study of transformations of citizenship represents thus an alternative political history of Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav states.
Choose an application
Chapter 1 shows the historical trajectory of the idea that South Slavs as linguistic and cultural 'brothers' should form a single nation and establish their own national state. The state came into being after the First World War when citizens of different pre-war entities (empires and kingdoms) came together to form a political community. The attempts to make it viable and functional proved difficult. Chapter 1 shows competing ideas about Yugoslav political unification that directly affected citizenship as well as citizens' relationship with the new state: unitarism vs federalism; one nation vs many nations; common vs multinational culture; monarchy vs republic. It shows how the first citizenship regime was created on a unitary basis and why it came in existence almost 10 years after the creation of the state. It portrays a crisis-ridden country and a fragile community within which communists as a new political force will emerge with their own vision how to transform Yugoslavia. The revolver came from Serbia, but the finger that pulled the trigger that would kill Franz Ferdinand and thus announce the end of one world and the birth of another acted upon two strong beliefs. If one can judge from his statement, underage Gavrilo Princip, like so many of his peers, was foremost convinced that South Slavs should be liberated from a foreign yoke and unite in their own state; this belief was strongly though not articulately mixed with another conviction that the world about to come must be the world of profound social transformation. Two motives with which our story of 'one hundred years of citizenship' begins will be repeated in many different forms during this century: should South Slavs have their own common state? Or form separate ones? And, regardless of the answer, should political transformations entail more social equality or only a change of the rulers at the top of the existing hierarchy? Every idea often has deep roots and various historic materializations. One of the two ideas that materialized in that finger that eventually pulled the trigger on 28 June 1914 had started its long voyage to Sarajevo almost a century before.
Choose an application
Batı'ya Yön Veren Metinler'in dördüncü ve (şimdilik!) son cildi, on dokuzuncu yüzyıl boyunca liberallerin "bırakınız yapsınlar" sloganında özetlenen politikalarına meydan okuyan bir muhafazakârla başlamaktadır. Ortodoks Hıristiyanlar, Avusturya şansölyesi Prens Metternich, Fransız düşünür Alexis de Tocqueville, İngiliz hukukçu James Fitzjames Stephen gibi ünlü muhafazakârların yanında yer alır. Papa IX. Pius, liberallerin tüm çalışmalarını kınarken, Kardinal Newman liberalizmi, Protestanlığın içini boşaltarak Katolikliğe benzetmekle suçlar. Sosyalistler, liberallere işçi sınıfını istismar ettikleri gerekçesiyle karşıdır; liberal anayasaların kâğıt üzerinde demokratik olmakla birlikte, kapitalist burjuvaziye denetim üstünlüğü veren ortamı yarattığını ileri sürerler.
Liberalism. --- Socialists. --- Humanities.
Choose an application
"This full-scale study of Christian socialism, from the beginnings of the Jewish-Christian tradition through the present day, argues that socialism, per se, is basically Christian"--
Choose an application
In recent years the leader of "Giustizia e Libertà" has been the focus of a renewed and extensive attention. The author reconstructs the itinerary of Carlo Rosselli, conducting the theoretical analysis in the light of the complexity of the historic context. From the years of the Great War to the exile in France, intellectual meditation and political commitment are inextricably entwined threads in the career of the Florentine antifascist. In the attempt to pinpoint the key passages of this unquiet quest, the book traces the stages of an evolving thought. A thought that was matured through critical comparison with liberal theory and Marxist doctrine, found inspiration in English socialism and conceived opposition to the Fascist regime as the grounds for a project of progressive democracy.
History --- Philosophy --- Socialists --- Fascism --- Liberalism
Choose an application
David Renton argues that the roots of today's anti-capitalist movement can be found in the life and work of an earlier generation of socialist revolutionaries who shared a commitment to socialism from below: Soviet poet Mayakovsky, Marxist philosopher Karl Korsch, Georges Henein, and others.
Communism --- Socialism --- Communists. --- Socialists. --- History --- Persons
Choose an application
This biography of Beatriz Allende (1942-1977) - revolutionary doctor and daughter of Chile's socialist president, Salvador Allende - portrays what it means to live, love, and fight for change. Inspired by the Cuban Revolution, Beatriz and her generation drove political campaigns, university reform, public health programs, internationalist guerrilla insurgencies, and government strategies. Centering Beatriz's life within the global contours of the Cold War era, Tanya Harmer exposes the promises and paradoxes of the revolutionary wave that swept through Latin America in the long 1960s. Drawing on exclusive access to Beatriz's private papers, as well as firsthand interviews, Harmer connects the private and political as she reveals the human dimensions of radical upheaval.
Socialists --- Revolutionaries --- Exiles --- Suicide victims --- Allende, Beatriz.
Listing 1 - 10 of 84 | << page >> |
Sort by
|