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2013 saw the launch of the largest, most influential investment initiative in recent memory: China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This globe-spanning strategy has reshaped local economies and regionals networks, and it has become a contested subject for scholars and practitioners alike. How should we make sense of the complex interactions that the BRI has enabled? Understanding these processes requires truly global perspectives alongside careful attention to the role that local actors play in giving shape to individual BRI projects. The contributions in this volume provide both 'big picture' assessments of China's role in regional and global interactions and detailed case studies that home in on the role agency plays in BRI dynamics. Written by leading area studies scholars with diverse disciplinary expertise, this book reveals how Chinese efforts to recalibrate the world are taken up, challenged, revamped, and reworked in diverse contexts around the world.
POLITICAL SCIENCE / International Relations / General. --- Agency. --- BRI. --- Belt and Road Initiative. --- China. --- Connectivity.
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"Just War scholarship has adapted to contemporary crises and situations. But its adaptation has spurned debate and conversation--a method and means of pushing its thinking forward. Now the Just War tradition risks becoming marginalized. This concern may seem out of place as Just War literature is proliferating, yet this literature remains welded to traditional conceptualizations of Just War. Caron E. Gentry and Amy E. Eckert argue that the tradition needs to be updated to deal with substate actors within the realm of legitimate authority, private military companies, and the questionable moral difference between the use of conventional and nuclear weapons. Additionally, as recent policy makers and scholars have tried to make the Just War criteria legalistic, they have weakened the tradition's ability to draw from and adjust to its contemporaneous setting. The essays in The Future of Just War seek to reorient the tradition around its core concerns of preventing the unjust use of force by states and limiting the harm inflicted on vulnerable populations such as civilian noncombatants. The pursuit of these challenges involves both a reclaiming of traditional Just War principles from those who would push it toward greater permissiveness with respect to war, as well as the application of Just War principles to emerging issues, such as the growing use of robotics in war or the privatization of force. These essays share a commitment to the idea that the tradition is more about a rigorous application of Just War principles than the satisfaction of a checklist of criteria to be met before waging "just" war in the service of national interest"--
Just war doctrine. --- War --- Moral and ethical aspects. --- War and morals --- Jus ad bellum --- PHILOSOPHY / Movements / Pragmatism. --- POLITICAL SCIENCE / International Relations / Arms Control. --- POLITICAL SCIENCE / International Relations / General. --- War (Philosophy) --- Moral and ethical aspects --- Religious aspects
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How can we understand long-term change in world politics better? Based on readings of thinkers as diverse as Habermas, Foucault and Luhmann, the contributors to this volume propose a framework for understanding such change in terms of social evolution. They show that processes of social learning and unlearning are key to understanding the long-term historical evolution of complex societies, and propose to approach these with the core concepts of autonomization, hierarchical complexity, and co-evolution. Four case studies illustrate this social evolutionary perspective to the study of world politics, examining the evolution of forms of organizing political authority, of conflicts, of diplomacy, of law as boundary condition.
POLITICAL SCIENCE / International Relations / General. --- Globalization. --- International Relations. --- Political Science. --- Political System. --- Political Theory. --- Politics. --- Social Evolution. --- World Society.
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This book explores how nationalism and multilateralism transform international society and global governance. It does so by comparing the governance model of the EU - a constitutionalised and increasingly polycentric form of multilateralism - with Northeast Asia. There nationalist administrations have resisted multilateral commitments and are locked into rivalries instead of pursuing a regional project. Both Europe and Northeast Asia can be seen as success stories of the late 20th/ early 21st centuries, but by having followed different approaches to international governance. The book traces these two trajectories through critical junctures in history to how both regions have dealt with the contemporary challenges of the financial crisis and climate change. During the financial crisis, Europe's multilateral economic and monetary architecture revealed profound weaknesses whilst national policies allowed much of Northeast Asia to escape the worst of it. On climate change the European Union (EU) has developed effort-sharing governance models to reduce emissions, while Northeast Asian countries are relying on greening national industrial policy. The book argues that global governance has to find the balance between multilateralism and nationalism in order to find collaborative approaches to global challenges. This book provides a fresh take on the EU and on Northeast Asia and develops innovative concepts of international society and polycentric governance. Thus, it will be of considerable interest to researchers and students of global governance, international relations, EU and Asia Studies.
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Transstaatliche Räume sind verdichtete und relativ stabile ökonomische, politische, soziale und kulturelle Beziehungen zwischen Personen, Netzwerken und Organisationen, die Grenzen von Nationalstaaten überschreiten. Am Beispiel der Verflechtungen zwischen Deutschland und der Türkei beantworten die Beiträge folgende Fragen: Welche Formen grenzüberschreitender Tätigkeiten können wir bei Unternehmern, sozialen Bewegungen, Familien, religiösen Gemeinschaften und politischen OrgaÝ nisationen beobachten? Welche Konsequenzen haben dichte transstaatliche Netze für die Integration von ImmigrantInnen in DeutschÝ land und in der Türkei, für die Zivilgesellschaften und die beteiligten Staaten?
European Politics. --- Europäische Politik. --- International Relations. --- Internationale Politik. --- Migration/Borderlands. --- Political Science. --- Politics. --- Politik. --- Politikwissenschaft. --- Raum. --- Space. --- Turkey. --- Türkei. --- POLITICAL SCIENCE / International Relations / General.
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While the "decline of the West" is now almost taken for granted, China's impressive economic performance and the political influence of an assertive Russia in the international arena are combining to make Eurasia a key hub of political and economic power. That, certainly, is the story which Beijing and Moscow have been telling for years. Are the times ripe for a "Eurasian world order"? What exactly does the supposed Sino-Russian challenge to the liberal world entail? Are the two countries' worsening clashes with the West drawing them closer together? This ISPI Report tackles every aspect of the apparently solidifying alliance between Moscow and Beijing, but also points out its growing asymmetries. It also recommends some policies that could help the EU to deal with this "Eurasian shift", a long-term and multi-faceted power readjustment that may lead to the end of the world as we have known it.
Political Science / International Relations --- Political science --- Administration --- Civil government --- Commonwealth, The --- Government --- Political theory --- Political thought --- Politics --- Science, Political --- Social sciences --- State, The
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The Asia-Pacific has become the Indo-Pacific region as the US, Japan, Australia and India have decided to join forces and scale-up their political, economic and security cooperation. The message coming from Washington, Tokyo, Canberra and New Delhi is clear: China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is no longer the only game in town and Beijing's policymakers better get ready for fierce competition. Japan's ongoing and future "quality infrastructure" policies and investments in the Indo-Pacific in particular make it very clear that Tokyo wants a (much) bigger slice of the pie of infrastructure investments in the region. China's territorial expansionism in the South China Sea and its increasing interests and presence in countries in South Asia have done their share to help the four aforesaid countries expand their security and defence ties. Beijing, of course, smells containment in all of this and it probably has a point. Who will have the upper hand in shaping and defining Asian security and providing developing South and Southeast Asia with badly-needed infrastructure: the US and Japan together with its allies or the increasingly assertive and uncompromising China and its Belt and Road Initiative?
Political Science / International Relations --- Political science --- Administration --- Civil government --- Commonwealth, The --- Government --- Political theory --- Political thought --- Politics --- Science, Political --- Social sciences --- State, The
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Also in the last year the signs of decomposition of the political, economic and institutional world conceived at the end of the Second World War and definitively freed from the end of the cold war have multiplied. Meanwhile, the advent of Donald Trump as president of the United States has introduced an unprecedented tension between the US and the international order they themselves produced. More generally, the growth of China and the renewed assertiveness of Russia seem to herald a new phase of the reflux of Western impact on the rest of the world. Above all, a variegated dispute over legitimacy has affected the liberal orientation of the post-bipolar order, with ever more profound consequences for the holding of the multilateral fabric of international coexistence, international organizations and even the institutional set-up of individual states. The ISPI 2019 Report questions this upheaval, both in the political and economic dimensions. The first part of the volume is dedicated to the global context and its repercussions on Europe, while the second is addressed as usual to Italian foreign policy.
Political Science / International Relations --- Political science --- Administration --- Civil government --- Commonwealth, The --- Government --- Political theory --- Political thought --- Politics --- Science, Political --- Social sciences --- State, The
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It is beyond dispute that both China and the European Union stand to gain from promoting low-carbon development through the dissemination of clean and renewable energy sources, as this inevitably leads to increased environmental protection. The depletion of fossil fuel resources and the accompanying changes in the global energy mix make Europe and China not only competitors in the global economic race, but also nolens volens partners. Their pragmatic partnership is characterized, on the one hand, by the need to take action to reduce the consumption of fossil fuels and, on the other, by the desire to minimize the negative environmental impact of their use. Hence, the existing and emerging cooperation between the two actors, while challenging for a number of reasons, is not only an attempt to set up channels to exchange vital information, but also an exercise in setting the standards under which further cooperation will be forged.
Political Science / International Relations --- Political science --- Administration --- Civil government --- Commonwealth, The --- Government --- Political theory --- Political thought --- Politics --- Science, Political --- Social sciences --- State, The
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The Consequences of Humiliation explores the nature of national humiliation and its impact on foreign policy. Joslyn Barnhart demonstrates that Germany's catastrophic reaction to humiliation at the end of World War I is part of a broader pattern: states that experience humiliating events are more likely to engage in international aggression aimed at restoring the state's image in its own eyes and in the eyes of others. Barnhart shows that these states also pursue conquest, intervene in the affairs of other states, engage in diplomatic hostility and verbal discord, and pursue advanced weaponry and other symbols of national resurgence at higher rates than non-humiliated states in similar foreign policy contexts. Her examination of how national humiliation functions at the individual level explores leaders' domestic incentives to evoke a sense of national humiliation. As a result of humiliation on this level, the effects may persist for decades, if not centuries, following the original humiliating event.
Political Science / International Relations --- Political science --- Administration --- Civil government --- Commonwealth, The --- Government --- Political theory --- Political thought --- Politics --- Science, Political --- Social sciences --- State, The
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