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Czym w rzeczywistości były Siły Zbrojne Ukrainy wykazały rosyjska aneksja Krymu i pierwsze tygodnie wojny w Donbasie – skostniałą strukturą niezdolną do jakiegokolwiek sprawnego działania w warunkach minimalnego zaangażowania wroga, w której znacząca część kadry dopiero w trakcie konfliktu uzyskiwała świadomość, kogo reprezentuje i nierzadko z perspektywy służby w jednym z posowieckich okręgów wojskowych wybierała Rosję. // Wojna w Donbasie ukształtowała armię ukraińską. Dała świadomość i motywację żołnierzom, a kierownictwo resortu obrony i władze państwa zmusiła do dostosowania struktury – po raz pierwszy od momentu utworzenia – do faktycznych potrzeb operacyjnych, a także poniesienia kosztów powstrzymania zapaści w zakresie szkolenia i wyposażenia, przynajmniej do poziomu umożliwiającego nawiązanie wyrównanej walki z prorosyjskimi separatystami.
Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- Security and defense --- Military policy --- Ukraine --- Ukraine --- Ukraina --- Armed Forces --- Mobilization. --- Defenses. --- History, Military
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The EU's emergence as an international security provider, under the first Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) operations in the Balkans in 2003, is a critical development in European integration. In this book, which relies on extensive interviews with CSDP officials, Michael E. Smith investigates how the challenge of launching new CSDP operations causes the EU to adapt itself in order to improve its performance in this realm, through the mechanism of experiential institutional learning. However, although this learning has helped to expand the overall range and complexity of the CSDP, the effectiveness of this policy tool still varies widely depending on the nature of individual operations. The analysis also calls in to question whether the CSDP, and the EU's broader structures under the 2009 Treaty of Lisbon, are fit for purpose in light of the EU's growing strategic ambitions and the various security challenges facing Europe in recent years.
EU--CSDP --- Strategic culture --- Common Security and Defence Policy --- European Union countries --- Defenses --- Military policy --- Strategic culture - European Union countries --- European Union countries - Defenses --- European Union countries - Military policy --- Security, International --- Common Security and Defence Policy. --- Defenses. --- Military policy. --- Culture --- National security --- Common Security and Defense Policy --- CSDP --- European Security and Defense Policy --- Common Foreign and Security Policy --- EU countries --- Euroland --- Europe --- European Union.
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24 sierpnia 1991 roku Rada Najwyższa Ukraińskiej SRR proklamowała niepodległość, a 1 grudnia naród ratyfikował ją w referendum. Pokojowy sposób powstania, posiadanie niekwestionowanego terytorium oraz uformowanej administracji cywilnej było ogromnym atutem nowego państwa. Jednak "ciemną stroną" tych atutów były fundamentalne słabości: republiki sowieckie były częściami ZSRR, nie miały więc centralnych ogniw struktur państwa (w tym sztabu generalnego, banku emisyjnego oraz większości resortów).Po niemal ćwierćwieczu pokojowego budownictwa przerwanego w 2014 roku wybuchem wojny Ukraina jest wprawdzie państwem słabym, ale ugruntowanym wewnętrznie i międzynarodowo, zdolnym do oparcia się agresji zbrojnej i aktywnie poszukującym swego miejsca w świecie. Największym sukcesem kraju było wychowanie nowego pokolenia "urodzonych obywateli Ukrainy", największą porażką - dramatyczne załamanie demograficzne o skutkach, których nie da się już odwrócić, a także, charakterystyczna również dla innych państw postsowieckich, pauperyzacja niższych warstw społeczeństwa.Opracowanie to nie jest historią niepodległej Ukrainy, lecz próbą przedstawienia podstawowych mechanizmów transformacji republiki sowieckiej w niepodległe, demokratyczne państwo o gospodarce rynkowej, skupia się więc przede wszystkim na problematyce wewnętrznej.
Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- Civil Society --- Governance --- Public Administration --- Public Law --- Economic policy --- Government/Political systems --- International relations/trade --- Security and defense --- Developing nations --- EU-Accession / EU-DEvelopment --- Geopolitics --- Ukraine --- Politics and government
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International relations. Foreign policy --- Polemology --- European Union --- Common Security and Defence Policy. --- E.U. --- Common Security and Defense Policy --- CSDP --- European Security and Defense Policy --- Common Foreign and Security Policy --- Decision making. --- European Union countries --- EU countries --- Euroland --- Europe --- Foreign relations --- Military policy. --- Military policy --- #SBIB:327.7H220 --- #SBIB:327.7H233 --- Europese Unie: instellingen en besluitvorming --- Europese Unie: externe relaties, buitenlands- en defensiebeleid (ook WEU) --- Common Security and Defence Policy --- Decision making --- European Union countries - Foreign relations - Decision making --- European Union countries - Foreign relations - 21st century --- European Union countries - Military policy --- European Union countries - Military policy - Decision making --- European Union.
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A year ago I wrote in the foreword to the 2015 Yearbook that with respect to international affairs (and hence Slovak foreign policy), 2016 would not be any easier than 2015, and might be even more difficult. This has proven to be not far from the truth, in various aspects of foreign policy. Within the European Union we once again witnessed the sight of terrorism costing many lives. Internationally, ongoing wars – both far from and near to the EU neighborhood – brought more tension and instability to international relations. The EU itself faced its own internal struggles and challenges. Certainly the most consequential issue was the United Kingdom referendum, and their “yes” on the “Leave” vote. This is an unprecedented situation, whose end is still open and uncertain. Disagreements and misunderstandings among member states as to how to deal with the migration crisis continued, not to mention the ongoing ambiguity regarding the reform of EU institutions, the requests of Germany and France for a multispeed Europe, and the situation in Turkey, as well as an increase in general support among populations for populist leaders – for politicians without solutions that could actually work, or any clear agenda; politicians who, in the case of the UK, were so surprised at their success that they left almost immediately in order not to be held responsible for further developments. For Slovakia, 2016 was an extraordinary year. Not due to the fact that parliamentary elections took place in March, as their impact on Slovakia’s foreign and European policy was negligible. It was extraordinary because the Slovak Republic held its very first Presidency of the Council of the European Union. Slovakia presided during turbulent times, having to deal with issues (and even better with their impact) which no Presidency country has ever had to deal with. One must not forget this context when evaluating our Presidency. The year 2016 has shown us again that we must move fast and be constructive in searching for solutions to the EU’s problems. The EU’s political leaders, as well as its civil society, businesses, and academia – all of them must put an end to competing for the most politically beautiful, and pursue instead expert answers to current issues and problems. All of these matters, and perhaps more, are addressed here in what is now our 18th Yearbook – whether it’s an assessment of our performance in the promotion of our goals and interests in the international environment, an analysis of the actions taken in pursuit of our priority foreign policy goals, or an evaluation of the efficiency and effectiveness of one of the instruments of their implementation. Obviously, the book can only offer its analytical assessments within the natural limits (capacities and financial resources) of a publication of this kind, not able to cover every field and region in which our foreign policy was visible or active. We offer here what we consider the most crucial. As per tradition, the views and opinions of the Foreign Minister are presented first in the Yearbook. In his contribution he presents and assesses various issues and aspects of Slovakia’s foreign policy – which are thoroughly examined by other authors in the book – as well as his opinions on the future of our foreign policy after the Presidency. His piece offers the reader a unique opportunity to see various issues from the angle of the person responsible for implementing foreign policy, as well as from the angle of experts who do not have to take party politics into consideration when writing. As our goal is constructive critical debate and the search for real answers to current challenges, in the following selection of authors you will find mainly experts from NGOs/think-tanks and academia, since we (the editorial board) assume that their distance from the practical implementation of foreign policy (with all the direct and indirect influences involved) might bring a certain added value to their perspective. The expert section of the book opens with an evaluation of Slovakia’s performance in the international environment. The contribution of Zuzana Gabrižová, editor in chief of Euractiv.sk, assessing Slovakia’s performance in 2016 within the EU, serves – as always – as the introductory text for this section. Her piece traces the sequence and milestones that defined those developments relevant both to the Slovak–EU debate and to Slovak actions vis-a-vis the EU. Martin Vlachynský, senior analyst at the Institute of Economic and Social Studies, in his economic analysis of 2016, defines the economic tone of the year as being one played by well-known instruments. The Eurozone financial system, the deficits, quantitative easing, and, of course, the Greek crisis, remained topics of the day. Pavol Szalai, senior editor at Euractiv.sk, focuses on Slovakia’s energy policy, which in 2016 faced a different challenge: to preserve its role as a gas transit country, and resume its role as an electricity exporter. The section focusing on the international environment concludes with an analysis of Slovakia’s security and defense policy in 2016, written by the Slovak Foreign Policy Association’s two security policy analysts, Samuel Goda and Dušan Fischer. The second part of the Yearbook, focused on the priorities of our foreign policy, opens with an article by Tomáš Strážay, head of SFPA’s Central and Southeastern Europe research program. He analyzes Slovakia’s Central European activities during what was the 25th anniversary year of Visegrad cooperation, while focusing also on the future role of the V4 in the EU after Brexit, and on the future of the V4 as such. Slovak involvement in what might be characterized as a turbulent year in the Western Balkans, with its progress shifting from positive hope to negative development, was discussed, as traditionally, by the independent expert Július Lőrincz. The bilateral and multilateral context of our Eastern policy was the main subject of the analysis of Juraj Marušiak from the Institute of Political Science, Slovak Academy of Sciences. He argues that our policy towards the Eastern Europe was largely determined by two things in 2016 – our Council of the EU Presidency and Minister Lajčák’s effort to become the next UN Secretary-General. The third part of the book, devoted to foreign policy instruments, deals with the functioning of our most visible bilateral foreign policy tool – development cooperation. Maroš Čaučík, director of Dobrá novina – the Development Cooperation Program of eRko – an experienced expert as well as practitioner, provides an analysis of the practical fulfillment of our set goals, in his overview of Slovakia’s development assistance activities in 2016. His piece also offers a set of proposals and recommendations for improving the quality and efficiency of Slovak ODA. As usual the expert section is supplemented by appendices, such as a chronology of the most important foreign policy events, a list of international treaties, information on the structure and representatives of state administrative bodies operating within foreign policy, a list of diplomatic missions and representatives of the SR abroad, the diplomatic corps of the SR, information on military missions abroad, etc. I firmly believe that this Yearbook will once again find its readers, and serve all those who are interested in the past, present, and future of Slovakia and her foreign policy. In conclusion, I would like to thank the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic for its cooperation in this project and its support, and for the fact that thanks to this cooperation we are able to continue in building this much needed tradition.
Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- Social Sciences --- Economy --- Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence --- Geography, Regional studies --- Supranational / Global Economy --- Energy and Environmental Studies --- International Law --- Public Administration --- Sociology --- Economic policy --- Government/Political systems --- International relations/trade --- Security and defense --- Developing nations --- Evaluation research --- EU-Accession / EU-DEvelopment --- EU-Legislation --- Slovakia --- Foreign relations.
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Sweden and Finland’s membership in NATO would significantly improve the level of security in the Baltic Sea region in the long-term by changing the politico-military imbalance that is currently in Russia’s favour. However, it is unlikely that Stockholm and Helsinki will change their non-alignment policy in the coming years. They will rather focus on enhancing politico-military co-operation with NATO. This has grown in importance to both countries in recent years in line with rising uncertainty in the region. The Swedish and Finnish wish for more substance in their military relations with NATO will however be met with increasing limitations as allied activity in the Baltic Sea region is focusing on collective defence and the two countries are not member states. // Despite the positive effect Sweden and Finland’s cooperation with NATO exerts on the region’s security, it also has negative implications. It does not eliminate the uncertainty about the scope of the two countries’ co-operation with the alliance in the case of a military conflict. It offers Stockholm an illusory sense of security, slowing down the pace of investments in defence; and for Helsinki it is rather an element of its deterrence policy towards Russia than a genuinely considered alternative.
Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- Governance --- Government/Political systems --- International relations/trade --- Security and defense --- Military policy --- Geopolitics --- North Atlantic Treaty Organization --- North Atlantic Treaty Organization --- North Atlantic Treaty Organization --- Membership. --- Sweden --- Finland --- Sweden --- Finland --- Military policy. --- Military policy. --- Politics and government --- Politics and government
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The annual academic forum of National and International Security Department this year is devoted to regional security and reforms in the European Union. Foreign academics and researchers from Poland, Macedonia, Serbia, Russia and other countries are taking part in this broad forum.Why have we chosen this topic?Today, in the first quarter of the 21st century, it appears that the world is on the verge of tolerance of risks and threats. The range of these threats is enormously broad - from the danger of wars between countries and coalitions, to violence among people within states. The world is in a period of devastated global equilibrium and a slowly developing new equilibrium. The temporal distance between these two states opened a place for the manifestation of chaos.In this increasingly difficult to predict world, the European Union has not been so far under such a criticism as the present since its creation. It comes from the ultimate right and the ultimate left, pass through the center and involve more and more ideologists and representatives, even the classical left and center-right political parties. But even a glimpse of their criticism does not show a way out of the crisis. It does not show how to preserve what is valuable in politics, economics and democracy that Europeans have undoubtedly enjoyed and continue to enjoy and how to transfer it into a future European Project.
Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- Social Sciences --- Education --- Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence --- Political Theory --- Civil Society --- Public Administration --- Sociology --- Economic policy --- Environmental and Energy policy --- International relations/trade --- Security and defense --- Politics and law --- Politics and religion --- Criminology --- Radical sociology --- Migration Studies --- Ethnic Minorities Studies --- Globalization --- EU-Legislation --- Geopolitics --- Europe --- History
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