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Comment des Algériens colonisés sont-ils devenus révolutionnaires ? Et comment sont-ils restés fidèles à leur engagement après 1962 ? Les itinéraires des partisans de Messali Hadj, favorables à une assemblée constituante souveraine, lèvent le voile sur une autre histoire de l'indépendance algérienne. En éclairant le parcours des animateurs d'un courant réprimé par les autorités coloniales et marginalisé par un Front de libération nationale devenu hégémonique, cet ouvrage redonne vie au mouvement fondé par le pionnier malheureux de la révolution algérienne. En mobilisant des sources inédites, il interroge la pluralité des devenirs, les alliances ambivalentes et les tensions mémorielles qui les traversent. À l'heure où le regard sur la guerre d'Algérie s'est renouvelé, et alors que le destin politique du pays est en jeu, les questions soulevées par ces trajectoires sont plus que jamais d'actualité.

Autonomy and independence movements.

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This book argues that explaining judicial independence-considered the fundamental question of comparative law and politics-requires a perspective that spans the democracy/autocracy divide. Rather than seeking separate explanations in each regime context, in The Political Foundations of Judicial Independence in Dictatorship and Democracy, Brad Epperly argues that political competition is a salient factor in determining levels of de facto judicial independence across regime type, and in autocracies a factor of far greater import. This is because a full "insurance" account of independence requires looking not only at the likelihood those in power might lose elections but also the variable risks associated with such an outcome, risks that are far higher for autocrats. First demonstrating that courts can and do provide insurance to former leaders, he then shows via exhaustive cross-national analyses that competition's effects are far higher in autocratic regimes, providing the first evidence for the causal nature of the relationship. Epperly argues that these findings differ from existing case study research because in democratic regimes, a lack of political competition means incumbents target the de jure independence of courts. This argument is illustrated via in-depth case study of the Hungarian Constitutional Court after the country's 2010 <"constitutional coup,>" and then tested globally. Blending formal theory, observational and instrumental variables models, and elite interviews of leading Hungarian legal scholars and judges, Epperly offers a new framework for understanding judicial independence that integrates explanations of both de jure and de facto independence in both democratic and autocratic regimes.

Judicial independence. --- Independence of the judiciary --- Independent judiciary --- Judicial power --- Separation of powers

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Guaranteeing energy security is one of the most complex challenges of energy law and policy. Energy insecurity threatens economic development, social peace and stability. This book focuses on energy security in the strategically important region of Central Asia. The region holds huge energy reserves, but its energy systems are highly inefficient and unreliable, and thus require urgent reform. However, endemic corruption, discrimination and the strong centralization of power have so far blocked initiatives to reorganize energy supply. The case of Central Asia is uniquely relevant for understanding the informal constraints on energy law and policy. In addition, Central Asian energy insecurity illustrates the impact of geopolitics on the regulation of energy markets. The region is strategically located in Russia's sphere of influence and along China's New Silk Road. Its energy situation highlights the complex interactions amongst energy law, geopolitics and institutions.

Energy security --- Energy dependence --- Energy independence --- Energy insecurity --- Security, Energy --- Energy policy --- Law and legislation

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Le discours ambiant nous appelle à liquider la volonte de faire du Quebec un pays et à oublier la necessite de passer par la culture francophone pour etablir notre rapport à l'universel. Or, savons-nous reellement ce qu'implique ce consentement à demeurer dans le Canada? Comment resister et même renverser ce discours dominant? Qu'on le veuille ou non, l'être quebecois est partout accompagne d'une ombre canadienne-française, qui a elle-même un "double anglais", comme l'avait bien vu Jean Bouthillette des les annees 1970. C'est en affrontant cette relation complexe à son passe et au Canada que le Quebec peut esperer se defaire de son ombre et de son double, à condition d'accepter qu'une partie de son histoire le façonne encore et d'assumer jusqu'au bout la charge politique de se reconnaître comme Quebecoises et Quebecois depuis les annees 1960. Cet ouvrage est compose de quelques inedits et de plusieurs versions allongees de chroniques parues dans L'aut'journal. Tous les textes portent sur l'identite collective quebecoise ainsi que sur notre relation à l'histoire canadienne-française et à l'independance.

French-Canadians --- Nationalism and collective memory --- Ethnic identity. --- Quebec (Province) --- History --- Autonomy and independence movements.

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Courts --- Judicial independence --- History --- Independence of the judiciary --- Independent judiciary --- Judicial power --- Separation of powers --- Judiciary --- Dispute resolution (Law) --- Judicial districts --- Law --- Procedure (Law) --- Jurisdiction --- Justice, Administration of --- Law and legislation