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Hitler's seizure of power on 30 January 1933 provided an urgent impetus to stage transnational anti-fascist conferences and rallies on a global scale. One of the first, but almost completely overlooked major conferences was organised in Copenhagen in April 1933 in the form of a Scandinavian Anti-Fascist Conference. The chapter will use the event as a prism to look backwards at anti-fascist activism in the Nordic countries during the preceding years and follow its transformation process in its immediate aftermath. What form did these largely overlooked anti-fascist articulations and manifestations take, and how were they connected to the rising transnational and global anti-fascist mobilisation coordinated in Paris and London? The chapter shows that the establishment of the Third Reich, on the one hand, vitalised anti-fascism in Scandinavia but that it paradoxically, on the other, further sharpened the communist critique of reformist social democracy and empowered social democratic anti-communism. Moreover, small neutral states, especially with social democratic governments, were confronted with an acute dilemma as the German foreign office made it clear that sharp critique of Nazi Germany and Hitler in the Nordic press and social movements had to be limited in order to maintain good bilateral relations.
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Anti-fascism became one of the main causes of the American left-liberal milieu during the mid-1930s. The chapter offers a new analysis of two communist-led, international organisations called the World Committee against War and Fascism and the World Relief Committee for the Victims of German Fascism. The chapter aims to show how anti-Nazi activities were initially mobilised in the USA from 1933 to 1935. It reveals the transnational connections present in American anti-fascist movements and shows the importance of the connections established between American anti-fascists and German, British and French anti-fascists before the beginning of the popular front period. It provides new insights to the ways anti-fascist ideas and practices were effectively circulated across the Atlantic and within North America. The time period was filled with contradictions and ambiguities especially due to the Communist International's sectarianism that initially hampered co-operation within the broader American left. Still, transatlantic anti-fascist solidarity networks had already managed by mid-1933 to inspire local anti-Nazi activism across the USA.
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Hitler's seizure of power on 30 January 1933 provided an urgent impetus to stage transnational anti-fascist conferences and rallies on a global scale. One of the first, but almost completely overlooked major conferences was organised in Copenhagen in April 1933 in the form of a Scandinavian Anti-Fascist Conference. The chapter will use the event as a prism to look backwards at anti-fascist activism in the Nordic countries during the preceding years and follow its transformation process in its immediate aftermath. What form did these largely overlooked anti-fascist articulations and manifestations take, and how were they connected to the rising transnational and global anti-fascist mobilisation coordinated in Paris and London? The chapter shows that the establishment of the Third Reich, on the one hand, vitalised anti-fascism in Scandinavia but that it paradoxically, on the other, further sharpened the communist critique of reformist social democracy and empowered social democratic anti-communism. Moreover, small neutral states, especially with social democratic governments, were confronted with an acute dilemma as the German foreign office made it clear that sharp critique of Nazi Germany and Hitler in the Nordic press and social movements had to be limited in order to maintain good bilateral relations.
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Anti-fascism became one of the main causes of the American left-liberal milieu during the mid-1930s. The chapter offers a new analysis of two communist-led, international organisations called the World Committee against War and Fascism and the World Relief Committee for the Victims of German Fascism. The chapter aims to show how anti-Nazi activities were initially mobilised in the USA from 1933 to 1935. It reveals the transnational connections present in American anti-fascist movements and shows the importance of the connections established between American anti-fascists and German, British and French anti-fascists before the beginning of the popular front period. It provides new insights to the ways anti-fascist ideas and practices were effectively circulated across the Atlantic and within North America. The time period was filled with contradictions and ambiguities especially due to the Communist International's sectarianism that initially hampered co-operation within the broader American left. Still, transatlantic anti-fascist solidarity networks had already managed by mid-1933 to inspire local anti-Nazi activism across the USA.
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Oltre cento videointerviste a italiane e italiani sopravvissuti alla violenza nazista e fascista negli anni dell'occupazione tedesca - ebrei, deportati politici, internati militari, lavoratori coatti, partigiani - sono il frutto di un progetto di ricerca finanziato dal Fondo italo-tedesco per il futuro e realizzato presso il Dipartimento di Scienze politiche, giuridiche e studi internazionali dell'Università di Padova. Ogni intervista rappresenta un patrimonio prezioso e unico di memoria, che racconta le esperienze vissute da persone travolte dalla violenza della guerra e dalle politiche criminali di repressione e sterminio del nazifascismo. Non solo dunque una delle ultime occasioni per dare voce alle vittime, ma anche una grande opportunità di approfondimento e analisi scientifica affidati ai più qualificati contemporaneisti. A partire dai materiali raccolti, il volume propone una riflessione sulla figura e il ruolo del testimone, sulle interazioni fra memorie individuali, familiari, locali e memoria pubblica nazionale relativa alla seconda guerra mondiale. --
Fascism --- Anti-fascist movements --- History --- History
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"This book deals with the continuing appeal of antifascism as a political concept and as a tool for fighting a real or imagined fascist enemy. Antifascism has undergone significant changes in how it has understood and combatted a perceived fascist danger from the 1920s down to the present"--
Fascism --- Anti-fascist movements --- Right and left (Political science) --- History.
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Une analyse implacable du tournant autoritaire inédit pris sous le quinquennat de Macron et de la menace fasciste qui l'accompagne, c'est ce que proposent Ludivine Bantigny et Ugo Palheta dans cet ouvrage. Car si Macron a été élu pour faire barrage à l'extrême- droite, c'est aux fascistes qu'il ferait aujourd'hui la courte échelle. Avant que d'autres mesures anti-démocratiques ne nous soient imposées au pas de charge, les deux auteurs entrent en résistance et nous donnent des pistes pour affronter la menace grandissante.
Authoritarianism --- Democracy --- Fascism --- Anti-fascist movements --- France --- Politics and government --- Politique et gouvernement --- Fascisme --- Autoritarisme --- Antifascisme --- Conditions sociales --- Authoritarianism - France --- Democracy - France --- Fascism - France --- Anti-fascist movements - France --- France - Politics and government - 2017 --- -Politique et gouvernement --- -Authoritarianism
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This book examines the reputation of the Hungarian composer Béla Bartók (1881-1945) as an antifascist hero and beacon of freedom. Following Bartók's reception in Italy from the early twentieth century, through Mussolini's fascist regime, and into the early Cold War, Palazzetti explores the connexions between music, politics and diplomacy. The wider context of this study also offers glimpses into broader themes such as fascist cultural policies, cultural resistance, and the ambivalent political usage of modernist music--back cover.
Anti-fascist movements --- Fascism and music --- Bartók, Béla, --- Political and social views. --- History --- Music and fascism --- Music --- Bartokas, B.,
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This book examines the reputation of the Hungarian composer Béla Bartók (1881-1945) as an antifascist hero and beacon of freedom. Following Bartok's reception in Italy from the early twentieth century, through Mussolini's fascist regime, and into the early Cold War, Palazzetti explores the connections between music, politics and diplomacy. The wider context of this study also offers glimpses into broader themes such as fascist cultural policies, cultural resistance, and the ambivalent political usage of modernist music.
The book argues that the 'Bartókian Wave' occurring in Italy after the Second World War was the result of the fusion of the Bartók myth as the 'musician of freedom' and the Cold War narrative of an Italian national regeneration. Italian-Hungarian diplomatic cooperation during the interwar period had supported Bartok's success in Italy. But, in spite of their political alliance, the cultural policies by Europe's leading fascist regimes started to diverge over the years: many composers proscribed in Nazi Germany were increasingly performed in fascist Italy. In the early 1940s, the now exiled composer came to represent one of the symbols of the anti-Nazi cultural resistance in Italy and was canonised as 'the musician of freedom'. Exile and death had transformed Bartók into a martyr, just as the 'Resistenza' and the catastrophe of war had redeemed post-war Italy.
Anti-fascist movements --- Bartók, Béla, --- Political and social views. --- Italy. --- Béla Bartók. --- Cold War. --- Hungarian musician. --- Italian-Hungarian cooperation. --- antifascist hero. --- cultural policies. --- cultural resistance. --- music. --- politics. --- Fascism and music --- History
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