Choose an application

• Reference Manager
• EndNote
• RefWorks (Direct export to RefWorks)

The Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) brought together Peninsular Malaya with the East Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak. This Agreement afforded certain rights and obligations to these two states, notably in areas such as religion and language, financial autonomy, immigration, judicial autonomy, and finance and tax issues. However, since the signing of this foundational treaty, East Malaysians have become discontented. Key frustrations include a gradual erosion of the stipulated privileges by the federal government, persistent underdevelopment, as well as the perceived unequal distribution of petroleum revenue earned from these states.

When Pakatan Harapan came to power in 2018, there were expectations from Sabah and Sarawak that the new administration would be committed to the restoration of East Malaysia's special position within the Malaysian Federation. In order to address long-standing tensions, Pakatan Harapan established a Special Cabinet Committee on MA63 to look for new ways of restoring East Malaysia's prerogatives. The Special Cabinet Committee managed to resolve seventeen out of twenty-one issues pertaining to the economy, finance and the judiciary. However, the most complex issues pertaining to the sharing of oil revenue were outstanding. One key outcome was that the Committee proposed a constitutional amendment to recognize Sabah, Sarawak and Peninsular Malaysia as equal partners in the Federation. However, the proposed amendment did not garner the necessary two-thirds majority in parliament. A bloc of parliamentarians allied with the Gabungan Parti Sarawak - a coalition of Sarawak-based parties formerly aligned with ousted national coalition Barisan Nasional-abstained from voting. Since the advent of the Perikatan Nasional administration, the broader issue of East Malaysian rights has received little attention.

It is likely that, rather than seeking to address the fundamental tensions between the Peninsula and East Malaysia, the current administration will seek to offer targeted benefits to elites from the region.

Malaysia --- Malaysia, East --- Politics and government. --- East Malaysia --- Eastern Malaysia --- Malaysia Timor --- POLITICAL SCIENCE / Political Economy.

Choose an application

• Reference Manager
• EndNote
• RefWorks (Direct export to RefWorks)

When the Pakatan Harapan (PH) federal government fell in February 2020, PH also lost control over the states of Johor, Malacca, Perak and Kedah. In Sabah, PH-aligned Warisan was replaced by the PN-aligned United Alliance of Sabah. PH maintained its hold on three states-Selangor, Penang and Negeri Sembilan. Selangor's position is of unique interest, given the largest share of PH assemblypersons comprising members from the People's Justice Party (Parti Keadilan Rakyat, or PKR), the party which has faced significant elite splits in 2020. The present stability of PH's survival in Selangor can be accounted for by the sheer majority it possesses within the legislative assembly, comprising forty-one out of fifty-six state seats. Unless a significant share of assemblypersons were to defect, the change in state government would be highly unlikely. PH built a strong base in Selangor during its time in power over more than a decade, securing performative legitimacy and rooting itself strongly within the community. PH has benefited from the highly urbanized and educated demographic profile of Selangor. However, the economic fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic has likely changed the landscape, which may in turn affect how constituents will now respond to goodies offered by the federal government. Although PH in Selangor has survived the national storm, its future performance remains uncertain. This year's political realignment, public opinion towards PN and the 2018 redelineation exercise where the number of Malay-majority seats has grown may hamper PH's ability to maintain its strong margin. The political fragmentation that continues to unfold will see further party and coalitional realignment, which will invariably impact PH's strength in Selangor.

Politics and government. --- Pakatan Harapan (Malaysia) --- Malaysia --- Selangor (Malaysia) --- Alliance of Hope (Malaysia) --- Darul Ehsan (Malaysia) --- Negeri Selangor (Malaysia) --- Selangor D. E. (Malaysia) --- Selangor Darul Ehsan (Malaysia) --- State of Selangor (Malaysia) --- Selangor --- POLITICAL SCIENCE / Political Process / Campaigns & Elections.

Choose an application

• Reference Manager
• EndNote
• RefWorks (Direct export to RefWorks)

The failure of two expected transitions of leadership from Dr Mahathir Mohamad to Anwar Ibrahim (in 1998 and 2020) are traceable beyond their personal entanglements to the social divides and political currents of their time. The unrealized transitions are symptomatic of UMNO's dynamic of 'dysfunctional succession'. Under Mahathir, the party split. Under Najib, it was defeated. The condition persists as the current prime minister, Muhyiddin Yassin, has not even appointed a deputy prime minister after being in power for fifteen months. The unrealized transitions were a setback for a 'reform agenda', which Anwar Ibrahim articulated, but which emerged from dissident movements for diverse reforms. These movements helped the multiethnic, socially inclusive, opposition to win the 14th General Election. They are only seemingly dormant because of the pandemic. The Pakatan Harapan regime had the best chance to supply a fresh vision, deeper social understanding, and commitment to reform. The present Perikatan Nasional regime's fixation on 'Malayness' overlooks twenty years of intense intra-Malay conflicts that began with the failure of the first transition. As the '7th Prime Minister', Mahathir had a rare chance to redeem himself from major errors of his first twenty-two-year tenure. He squandered his chance by not honouring the Pakatan Harapan transition plan. Anwar Ibrahim's opponents mock him for being obsessed with wanting to be prime minister. Yet they obsessively fear his becoming prime minister. Anwar may be twice loser in political succession but 'the spectre of Anwar' still haunts Malaysian political consciousness.

Malaysia --- Politics and government. --- Social conditions.

Choose an application

• Reference Manager
• EndNote
• RefWorks (Direct export to RefWorks)

This book considers crucial changes to Malaysian economic areas and social well-being. The chapters cover diverse industries such as IT, green technology, retailing, banking, tourism and hospitality, education, logistics, finance, banking, and many others.

Economic development --- Mathematical models. --- Malaysia --- Economic conditions.

Choose an application

• Reference Manager
• EndNote
• RefWorks (Direct export to RefWorks)

Entrepreneurship --- Malaysia --- Economic conditions. --- Entrepreneur --- Intrapreneur --- Capitalism --- Business incubators