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Le soutien à l'innovation pour la démocratie et l'État de droit n'est pas un objectif stratégique de l'Union européenne en Afrique. Or une concurrence acharnée entre différents modèles politiques est en cours à l'échelle globale. Elle n'oppose plus les régimes communistes ou socialistes aux régimes capitalistes, le libre marché à l'économie administrée. Elle a désormais pour enjeu la démocratie. Celle-ci est menacée autant par le néolibéralisme que par le nouvel autoritarisme, que ce soit sous sa version populiste ou nationaliste. Mine de rien, l'Afrique est l'un des théâtres privilégiés de cet affrontement.
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Les économies et les sociétés des États-Unis et de l'Europe sont aujourd'hui au seuil d'une grande bifurcation. À droite, de nouvelles configurations sociales se dessinent sous nos yeux, prolongeant, en dépit de la crise, les voies néolibérales au bénéfice des plus favorisés. L'urgence est grande du basculement vers l'autre branche de l'alternative, à gauche cette fois. Tel est le constat de ce livre, nourri par une enquête sur la dynamique historique du capitalisme depuis un siècle. Derrière l'évolution aujourd'hui bien documentée des inégalités entre revenus du capital et revenus du travail, et entre hauts et bas salaires, se cache une structure de classes non pas bipolaire mais tripolaire – comprenant capitalistes, cadres et classes populaires –, qui fut tout au long du siècle dernier le terrain de différentes coalitions politiques. L'alliance sociale et surtout politique entre capitalistes et cadres, typique du néolibéralisme, est le marqueur de la droite ; celle entre classes populaires et cadres, qui a caractérisé l'après-Seconde Guerre mondiale en Occident, fut celui de la gauche. Dans ce livre documenté et engagé, issu de nombreuses années de recherches, Gérard Duménil et Dominique Lévy défendent dès lors une thèse simple reposant sur une idée centrale : la réouverture des voies du progrès social passe par la capacité politique d'ébranler les grands réseaux financiers de la propriété capitaliste et la connivence entre propriétaires et hauts gestionnaires. Telle est la condition pour enclencher un nouveau compromis à gauche entre classes populaires et cadres, et ouvrir les voies du dépassement graduel du capitalisme.
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The parliamentary general election took place on the first Sunday of July. The Independent Democratic Serb Party stood candidates for the election, drawing the public's attention with its campaign, conducted under the slogan “be what you are, respect what you're not” — more specifically, with the three videos it released as part of the campaign. In the first video, waiters are setting up a restaurant terrace to host a wedding; a female waitress posts a sign at the entrance, kindly asking the arrivals not to sing Ustasha songs, as there are Serbs among the invitees. The second video, called “Pupi's to blame for everything” drew most public attention. IDSP president Milorad Pupovac is the protagonist in the self-ironic and witty video, which lays blame for absolutely everything at his feet: from the Nineties war, all the way to planning on micro-chipping the population with Bill Gates and setting up the second wave of coronavirus infections in Croatia. The third video depicts the construction of a small wooden bridge in the Banija region, which made life easier for a Serb family. The video was filmed at the location where a bridge used to exist. The motto of the video is “bridges connect people, fools destroy them — don't be a fool”.
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Over the last two decades, 'neoliberalism' has emerged as a key concept within a range of social science disciplines including sociology, political science, human geography, anthropology, political economy, and cultural studies. The SAGE Handbook of Neoliberalism showcases the cutting edge of contemporary scholarship in this field by bringing together a team of global experts. Across seven key sections, the handbook explores the different ways in which neoliberalism has been understood and the key questions about the nature of neoliberalism.
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As the security state grows in power and dominance, commercial and financial interests increasingly penetrate our social existence. Neoliberalism, the Security State, and the Quantification of Reality addresses the relationship between these two trends in its discussion of neoliberalism, financialization, and managerialism, with a particular focus on the decline of professionalism, the restructuring of tertiary education, and the university's abandonment of the humanities. Additionally, David Lea links these developments with the failings of democratic institutions, the growth of the disciplinary society, and the emergence of the security state, which relentlessly governs by extraordinary fiat dividing, disempowering and excluding. Lea identifies one such linkage in the common form of rationality, which underlies contemporary approaches to reality. Others have noted that one of the most notable political developments of the last thirty years or so has been increasing public and governmental demand for the quantification of social phenomena. Moreover, A.W. Crosby has attributed Europe's unprecedented imperial success, which began in early European Modernity, to a paradigmatic shift from a qualitative world view grounded in Platonic and Neo-Platonic idealism to a more quantitative world view. Nevertheless, this quantitative approach towards the natural and social worlds alienates humans from other species and even from ourselves and fails to represent life as we actually experience it. While a quantitative world view may have facilitated imperial success and the interlocking exercise of power and authority by the state and the economically empowered, this instrumental form of thinking rationales, strategies and facilitates policies that restrict and vitiate individual autonomy to create a seamless controlled conformity. This form of thinking that relies on the quantification of natural and social phenomena creates a value free equivalency, which at the same time invidiously divides society into the wealthy and the impoverished, the advantaged and the exploited, the politically included and the excluded. --
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How we can look beyond the tyranny of market logic in our public lives to reimagine the fundamentals of democracy.
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"Governing Affects explores the neoliberal transformation of state governance in Europe towards affective forms of dominance, exercised by customer oriented neo-bureaucracies and public service providers. By investigating the rise of affective labour in contemporary European service societies and the conversion of state administrations into business-like public services, the authors trace the transformative power of neoliberal political thought put into practice. The book examines new affective modes of subjectivation and activation of public employees as well as their embodiment of affective requirements to successfully guide and advise citizens. Neoliberalism induces a double agency in neo-bureaucrats: entrepreneurialism coupled with affective skills for the purpose to govern clients in their own best interests. These competences are unevenly distributed between the genders, as their affective dispositions differ historically. Drawing on theoretical concepts of Foucault and Bourdieu the book offers innovative insights on recent processes of state transformation, affective subjectivation, and changes of labour relations. By combining theory building on governance with empirical research in key areas of state power the book will be of interest to scholars and researchers in a broad range of disciplines including political science, political sociology, and critical governance studies"--
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Long description: Dass es den Neoliberalismus gar nicht gibt, dass es sich dabei nur um einen »Kampfbegriff« handelt, ist zu einem Hauptargument (dem letzten?) seiner Verteidiger geworden. Kaum ein Autor hat dabei so viel zum Verständnis dieses Konzepts beigetragen wie Colin Crouch. Angesichts des rechtspopulistischen Widerstands gegen die marktradikale Form der Globalisierung, angesichts von wachsender Ungleichheit und von Tragödien wie der Brandkatastrophe im Londoner Grenfell Tower stellt Crouch nun die Frage, ob der Neoliberalismus noch zu retten ist. Jenseits polemischer »Dämonologie« und ohne das Kind mit dem Bade auszuschütten, analysiert er die Schwachpunkte dieses Ansatzes. Mit der ihm eigenen Blindheit für seine sozialen Nebenfolgen ist der, so Crouch, Neoliberalismus endgültig selbstzerstörerisch geworden. Werden die Konzerne und Individuen, die bislang von ihm profitieren, das einsehen und endlich umsteuern? Biographical note:
Colin Crouch, geboren 1944, lehrte bis zu seiner Emeritierung Governance and Public Management an der Warwick Business School. Für sein Buch Das befremdliche Überleben des Neoliberalismus erhielt Crouch 2012 den Preis »Das politische Buch« der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.
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