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Saving lives with force : military criteria for humanitarian intervention
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ISBN: 0815764472 Year: 1997 Volume: *1 Publisher: Washington (D.C.) : Brookings institution,


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A skeptic's case for nuclear disarmament
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ISBN: 9780815705079 Year: 2010 Publisher: Washington, D.C. : Brookings Institution Press,

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"An endorsement for nuclear disarmament, especially the dismantling of existing bomb inventories, but with caveats relating to threats posed by nations or groups inside the agreement framework who do not abide by it and those outside who have never allied themselves with those advocating a nuclear-free world"--Provided by publisher.


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The future of land warfare
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ISBN: 9780815726890 9780815727422 Year: 2015 Publisher: Washington, D.C. Brookings Institution Press

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The author begins with a historical sketch of the role of ground forces in the American way of war throughout US history. He surveys the world's key strategic regions for their importance to American national security and their vulnerability to large-scale violence. He then considers a number of illustrative scenarios in which large American conventional forces may be relevant. Where are large-scale conflicts or other catastrophes most likely to happen ? Which of these could be important enough to demand a US military response ? And which, in turn, might require significant numbers of American ground forces ? And finally, what do these considerations say about the proper size, structure, and capabilities of the future US Marine Corps and Army ?

Expanding global military capacity for humanitarian intervention
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ISBN: 0815764421 0815764413 Year: 2003 Publisher: Washington, D.C. Brookings Institution

Neither star wars nor sanctuary: constraining the military uses of space
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ISBN: 0815764561 081576457X Year: 2004 Publisher: Washington, D.C. Brookings Institution Press

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Space has been militarized for over four decades. Should it now be weaponized? This incisive and insightful book argues that it should not. Since the cold war, space has come to harbor many tools of the tactical warfighter. Satellites have long been used to provide strategic communication, early warning of missile launch, and arms control verification. The U.S. armed forces increasingly use space assets to locate and strike targets on the battlefield. To date, though, no country deploys destructive weapons in space, for use against space or Earth targets, and no country possesses ground-based

Defense strategy for the post-Saddam era
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ISBN: 0815764677 Year: 2005 Publisher: Washington, D.C. Brookings Institution

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Defense Policy Choices for the Bush Administration
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ISBN: 0815764375 Year: 2002 Publisher: Washington : Brookings Institution Press,

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Brookings big ideas for America
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ISBN: 9780815731313 9780815731320 0815731329 Year: 2017 Publisher: Washington, D.C.

Beyond NATO : a new security architecture for Eastern Europe
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ISBN: 9780815732570 9780815732587 Year: 2017 Publisher: Washington, D.C. Brookings Institution Press

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The author argues here that now is the time for Western nations to negotiate a new security architecture for neutral countries in eastern Europe to stabilize the region and reduce the risks of war with Russia. He believes NATO expansion has gone far enough. The core concept of this new security architecture would be one of permanent neutrality. The countries in question collectively make a broken-up arc, from Europe's far north to its south : Finland and Sweden; Ukraine, Moldova, and Belarus; Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan; and finally Cyprus plus Serbia, as well as possibly several other Balkan states. Discussion on the new framework should begin within NATO, followed by deliberation with the neutral countries themselves, and then formal negotiations with Russia. The new security architecture would require that Russia, like NATO, commit to help uphold the security of Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and other states in the region. Russia would have to withdraw its troops from those countries in a verifiable manner; after that, corresponding sanctions on Russia would be lifted. The neutral countries would retain their rights to participate in multilateral security operations on a scale comparable to what has been the case in the past, including even those operations that might be led by NATO. They could think of and describe themselves as Western states (or anything else, for that matter). If the European Union and they so wished in the future, they could join the EU. They would have complete sovereignty and self-determination in every sense of the word. But NATO would decide not to invite them into the alliance as members. Ideally, these nations would endorse and promote this concept themselves as a more practical way to ensure their security than the current situation or any other plausible alternative.


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Beyond NATO : a new security architecture for Eastern Europe
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ISBN: 0815732589 0815732570 Year: 2017 Publisher: Baltimore, Maryland : Project Muse,

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In this new Brookings Marshall Paper, Michael O'Hanlon argues that now is the time for Western nations to negotiate a new security architecture for neutral countries in eastern Europe to stabilize the region and reduce the risks of war with Russia. He believes NATO expansion has gone far enough. The core concept of this new security architecture would be one of permanent neutrality. The countries in question collectively make a broken-up arc, from Europe's far north to its south: Finland and Sweden; Ukraine, Moldova, and Belarus; Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan; and finally Cyprus plus Serbia, as well as possibly several other Balkan states. Discussion on the new framework should begin within NATO, followed by deliberation with the neutral countries themselves, and then formal negotiations with Russia. The new security architecture would require that Russia, like NATO, commit to help uphold the security of Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and other states in the region. Russia would have to withdraw its troops from those countries in a verifiable manner; after that, corresponding sanctions on Russia would be lifted. The neutral countries would retain their rights to participate in multilateral security operations on a scale comparable to what has been the case in the past, including even those operations that might be led by NATO. They could think of and describe themselves as Western states (or anything else, for that matter). If the European Union and they so wished in the future, they could join the EU. They would have complete sovereignty and self-determination in every sense of the word. But NATO would decide not to invite them into the alliance as members. Ideally, these nations would endorse and promote this concept themselves as a more practical way to ensure their security than the current situation or any other plausible alternative.

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