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Aesthetics --- Sociology of culture --- United States --- Esthetica --- Esthétique --- Popular culture --- Political culture --- Aesthetics. --- Popular culture - United States. --- Political culture - United States. --- United States of America

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Flags --- Political culture --- Nationalism --- Totemism --- Sacrifice --- Social aspects --- Flags - Social aspects - United States. --- Political culture - United States. --- Nationalism - United States. --- Totemism - United States. --- Sacrifice - United States.

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Lobbying and political interest groups occupy an ambivalent place in advanced democracies. Lobbying is viewed with suspicion, but is also a critical avenue for voices in policy debates.This insightful book injects a new sociological understanding of politics and policy.Lobbying and political interest groups occupy an ambivalent place in advanced democracies. Lobbying is viewed with suspicion, but is also a critical avenue for voices in policy debates.This insightful book injects a new sociological understanding of politics and policy. Interest groups help set political agendas, provide support to policymakers, and mobilize resources around issues. Interest groups are also the means by which individuals and organizations achieve advantage over others in social and economic life. The book incorporates theory and research about interest groups into political sociology's approach to issues of power, inequality, and public policy. As the book convincingly reveals, a sociological understanding of lobbying and interest groups illustrates the edges and boundaries of representative democracy itself.Using case studies and data, and organized by topics such as influence, collective action, representation, and inequality, the book is a critical resource for students of policymaking and political sociology.

#SBIB:324H44 --- Politieke structuren: drukkingsgroepen, lobbying --- Lobbying --- Pressure groups --- Political culture --- Groupes de pression --- Culture politique --- Lobbying - United States --- Pressure groups - United States --- Political culture - United States

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"Les dénonciations inquiètes du populisme sont monnaie courante depuis longtemps. Mais elles ont tourné à la panique générale lorsque le populisme a été perçu comme l’arme secrète derrière l’improbable candidature présidentielle du milliardaire télégénique Donald Trump. Le populisme passait aussi pour la mystérieuse force expliquant les succès d’audience de Bernie Sanders ou d’autres leaders de gauche. « Populisme » était également le nom du délire collectif qui avait infligé le Brexit au Royaume-Uni. En fait, dès qu’on prenait la peine de regarder, on voyait un peu partout dans le monde les classes dirigeantes se faire étriller par des trublions sans qualification. Les populistes trompaient les gens sur la mondialisation. Les populistes disaient du mal des élites. Les populistes bouleversaient les institutions politiques traditionnelles. Et les démocraties prenaient fin parce qu’elles étaient trop démocratiques. Il était temps pour les élites de se lever contre les masses ignorantes… Reprenant plus d’un siècle d’histoire du populisme et de l’antipopulisme, Thomas Frank montre ce que cette opposition révèle : la défiance des classes cultivées pour la démocratie dès lors qu’elle ne fait plus barrage à l'expression des intérêts d’un peuple qui ne reste pas à sa place."

Populism --- Political culture --- Social movements --- Democracy --- History --- Populisme. --- Populisme --- Populism - United States - History --- Political culture - United States - History --- Social movements - United States - History --- Democracy - United States - History

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Derided by the Right as dangerous and by the Left as spineless, Barack Obama puzzles observers. In Reading Obama, James T. Kloppenberg reveals the sources of Obama's ideas and explains why his principled aversion to absolutes does not fit contemporary partisan categories. Obama's commitments to deliberation and experimentation derive from sustained engagement with American democratic thought. In a new preface, Kloppenberg explains why Obama has stuck with his commitment to compromise in the first three years of his presidency, despite the criticism it has provoked. Reading Obama traces the origins of his ideas and establishes him as the most penetrating political thinker elected to the presidency in the past century. Kloppenberg demonstrates the influences that have shaped Obama's distinctive worldview, including Nietzsche and Niebuhr, Ellison and Rawls, and recent theorists engaged in debates about feminism, critical race theory, and cultural norms. Examining Obama's views on the Constitution, slavery and the Civil War, the New Deal, and the civil rights movement, Kloppenberg shows Obama's sophisticated understanding of American history. Obama's interest in compromise, reasoned public debate, and the patient nurturing of civility is a sign of strength, not weakness, Kloppenberg argues. He locates its roots in Madison, Lincoln, and especially in the philosophical pragmatism of William James and John Dewey, which nourished generations of American progressives, black and white, female and male, through much of the twentieth century, albeit with mixed results. Reading Obama reveals the sources of Obama's commitment to democratic deliberation: the books he has read, the visionaries who have inspired him, the social movements and personal struggles that have shaped his thinking. Kloppenberg shows that Obama's positions on social justice, religion, race, family, and America's role in the world do not stem from a desire to please everyone but from deeply rooted--although currently unfashionable--convictions about how a democracy must deal with difference and conflict.

Obama, Barack -- Knowledge -- History. --- Obama, Barack -- Knowledge and learning. --- Obama, Barack -- Philosophy. --- Political culture -- United States. --- United States -- Politics and government. --- Political culture