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Destabilisation du Liban, massacres des Yezidis et des chretiens en Irak, accentuation des tensions a Gaza, implosion de la Libye, la guerre s'est propagee avec une vitesse fulgurante au cours des derniers mois, atteignant les portes de l'Europe. Meme si les interventions francaises ont gele certains conflits, force est de constater que les territoires en guerre se sont interconnectes. A l'horizon se profilent des conflits qui ne seront pas sans incidence sur les fragiles equilibres europeens. Comment expliquer ce retour de la guerre ? Contrairement a ce qu'affirme le discours liberal, l'abolition des frontieres s'est revelee la matrice de la guerre. Faut-il s'en etonner ? L'aventure d'Alexandre le Grand ne combine-t-elle pas l'ouverture des cites grecques au grand commerce international avec la devastation de l'Asie par la guerre ? Semblables a des organismes vivants, nos civilisations cohabitent, se heurtent parfois, mais ont surtout pour finalite la perpetuation de la vie. Lorsque leurs barrieres protectrices se corrodent, ces organismes meurent logiquement, pour laisser la place a d'autres. En realite, seules les civilisations dotees d'une forte capacite a transmettre la vie sont porteuses d'avenir. Ce sont elles qui emergeront du chaos genere par la globalisation.
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There are currently dozens of ongoing violent conflicts across the globe, from Colombia to Somalia, including civil wars that have lasted for decades. At a global level the Cold War has been succeeded by a 'war on terror' that continues to rage more than a decade after 9/11. Why has war been so persistent, when we know how destructive it is in both human and economic terms ? And why do the efforts of aid organizations and international diplomats so often founder ? The author investigates why conflicts are so prevalent and so intractable - even when one side has much greater military resources. Drawing on many years of research, he asks who benefits from wars. It is a disturbing story that takes in government officials siphoning off aid, militias ejecting civilians from oil-rich areas, companies looking for markets for arms and security products, and politicians reinforcing their powerbase by defining any opponent as 'the enemy'. As this fascinating and disturbing expose makes clear, unless we have a genuine understanding of the complex vested interests that shape contemporary wars, we are unlikely ever to achieve lasting peace.
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"The idea that war is going out of style has become the conventional wisdom in recent years. But in Only the Dead, award-winning author Bear Braumoeller demonstrates that it shouldn't have. With a rare combination of historical expertise, statistical acumen, and accessible prose, Braumoeller shows that the evidence simply doesn't support the decline-of-war thesis propounded by scholars like Steven Pinker. He argues that the key to understanding trends in warfare lies, not in the spread of humanitarian values, but rather in the formation of international orders-sets of expectations about behavior that allow countries to work in concert, as they did in the Concert of Europe and have done in the postwar Western liberal order. With a nod toward the American sociologist Charles Tilly, who argued that "war made the state and the state made war," Braumoeller argues that the same is true of international orders: while they reduce conflict within their borders, they can also clash violently with one another, as the Western and communist orders did throughout the Cold War. Both highly readable and rigorous, Only the Dead offers a realistic assessment of humanity's quest to abolish warfare. While pessimists have been too quick to discount the successes of our attempts to reduce international conflict, optimists are prone to put too much faith in human nature. Reality lies somewhere in between: While the aspirations of humankind to govern its behavior with reason and justice have had shocking success in moderating the harsh dictates of realpolitik, the institutions that we have created to prevent war are unlikely to achieve anything like total success-as evidenced by the multitude of conflicts in recent decades. As the old adage advises us, only the dead have seen the end of war."--
WAR--CAUSES --- WAR-- PREVENTION --- War --- International organization --- Causes --- Prevention --- War - Causes --- War - Prevention
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Does growing economic interdependence among great powers increase or decrease the chance of conflict and war ? Liberals argue that the benefits of trade give states an incentive to stay peaceful. Realists contend that trade compels states to struggle for vital raw materials and markets. Moving beyond the stale liberal-realist debate, this book lays out a dynamic theory of expectations that shows under what specific conditions interstate commerce will reduce or heighten the risk of conflict between nations.Taking a broad look at cases spanning two centuries, from the Napoleonic and Crimean wars to the more recent Cold War crises, the author demonstrates that when leaders have positive expectations of the future trade environment, they want to remain at peace in order to secure the economic benefits that enhance long-term power. When, however, these expectations turn negative, leaders are likely to fear a loss of access to raw materials and markets, giving them more incentive to initiate crises to protect their commercial interests. The theory of trade expectations holds important implications for the understanding of Sino-American relations since 1985 and for the direction these relations will likely take over the next two decades.
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International relations. Foreign policy --- Polemology --- War --- International relations --- Causes --- International relations. --- Causes. --- War - Causes
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Peace --- Peace-building --- Conflict management --- War --- International cooperation --- Causes --- International cooperation. --- Causes. --- Peace - International cooperation --- Peace-building - International cooperation --- Conflict management - International cooperation --- War - Causes
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Inter-male aggression --- War and society --- War, Causes of --- Society and war --- War --- Sociology --- Civilians in war --- Sociology, Military --- Aggression, Inter-male --- Aggressiveness --- Social aspects --- Inter-male aggression. --- War and society. --- Causes. --- Causes of war --- Causes
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History of Europe --- anno 1900-1999 --- Military history, Modern --- War and society --- War, Causes of --- World War, 1914-1918 --- World War, 1939-1945 --- Histoire militaire --- Guerre et société --- Première guerre mondiale --- 2ème guerre mondiale --- History --- Social aspects --- Histoire --- Aspect social --- Europe --- History, Military --- Social conditions --- Conditions sociales --- War and society. --- Guerre et société --- Première guerre mondiale --- 2ème guerre mondiale
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L'espoir né de la création de l'Organisation des Nations unies après la Seconde Guerre mondiale n'a pas été suivi des bienfaits attendus et la fin de la guerre froide n'a pas été l'occasion de nouvelles avancées dans la prévention des conflits. Le monde globalisé reste en proie à la violence, aux entraves à la liberté, aux inégalités grandissantes, à un usage inconscient et destructeur des ressources de la planète. Cette situation impose de penser une nouvelle organisation de la communauté universelle, ce qui ne se fera pas sans un changement de paradigme. Le principe qui préside encore à l'organisation du monde est celui de la division en États souverains. Mais il est illusoire de croire que la souveraineté puisse être la condition de la paix. Dans un nombre grandissant d'États, elle est réduite à un pouvoir de répression. Elle ne garantit pas la liberté des groupes ni la recherche du bonheur commun. Elle fait obstacle aux avancées du droit international et elle permet l'impunité des dirigeants. Partant de ce constat, Monique Chemillier-Gendreau met sa longue expérience du droit (par l'enseignement, mais aussi par la participation à des procédures internationales) au service d'une analyse critique de la situation actuelle. Elle prône l'abandon du concept de souveraineté, porteur des possibilités de guerre, au profit de celui d'association politique des hommes libres, retour à la liberté du peuple, mais aussi à sa responsabilité. Si elle défend cette idée à l'échelle des communautés nationales, elle l'élargit à toutes les communautés politiques, infra ou supra-nationales. Partout où des hommes et des femmes assemblés ont à décider d'une part de leur destin, le politique doit être réhabilité contre l'emprise de l'économique et contre les bureaucraties actuellement à l'oeuvre.
International Cooperation --- Internationalism --- Democracy --- War --- State, The --- Sovereignty --- Causes --- International law and politics - Peace building - Sovereignty --- International cooperation. --- Internationalism. --- Democracy. --- State, The. --- Sovereignty. --- Causes. --- International law and politics - Peace building - Sovereignty. --- Coopération internationale --- internationalisme --- Démocratie --- Guerre --- Etat --- Souveraineté --- Peace-building --- Consolidation de la paix --- War - Causes
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