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Over the course of its history, the German Empire increasingly withheld basic rights-such as joining the army, holding public office, and even voting-as a form of legal punishment. Dishonored offenders were often stigmatized in both formal and informal ways, as their convictions shaped how they were treated in prisons, their position in the labour market, and their access to rehabilitative resources. With a focus on Imperial Germany's criminal policies and their afterlives in the Weimar era, Citizens into Dishonored Felons demonstrates how criminal punishment was never solely a disciplinary measure, but that it reflected a national moral compass that authorities used to dictate the rights to citizenship, honour and trust.
Ex-convicts --- Felon disenfranchisement --- Disenfranchisement, Felon --- Felony disenfranchisement --- Prisoners --- Political rights, Loss of --- Ex-cons --- Ex-offenders --- Ex-prisoners --- Formerly incarcerated persons --- Recidivists --- Suffrage --- Germany --- Politics and government
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Felon disenfranchisement --- Criminal justice, Administration of --- Disenfranchisement, Felon --- Felony disenfranchisement --- Prisoners --- Political rights, Loss of --- Suffrage --- Convicts --- Correctional institutions --- Imprisoned persons --- Incarcerated persons --- Prison inmates --- Inmates of institutions --- Persons --- Inmates
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Utilizing a field study on felons that were within one year of completing incarceration, Pinkard analyzes the legal history, constitutionality, conflicting laws, political, and life chance consequences of felon disenfranchisement laws on African American felons and the African American community. Research and data presented in this book indicate that: felon disenfranchisement is based on moralistic beliefs, modern racism, and stereotypes about human differences and that permanent political marginalization of a particular segment of American society not only negates democracy in principle by di
Felon disenfranchisement --- African American criminals. --- Political rights, Loss of --- Racism --- Election law --- Loss of political rights --- Punishment --- Suffrage --- Citizenship, Loss of --- Infamy (Law) --- Afro-American criminals --- Criminals, African American --- Negro criminals --- Criminals --- Disenfranchisement, Felon --- Felony disenfranchisement --- Prisoners --- States. --- Law and legislation --- Ex-convicts --- Ex-cons --- Ex-offenders --- Ex-prisoners --- Formerly incarcerated persons --- Recidivists
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Freiheit ist eines der höchsten Güter der Menschheit. Doch warum untergraben wir sie durch ein Denken in Sachzwang- und Effizienzkategorien? Wie lassen wir unsere Freiheit durch staatliche Rundumbetreuung und digitale Sorglosigkeit zerstören? Und worauf sollten wir achten, damit unsere Autonomie nicht zur Verfügungsmasse einer profitgetriebenen Datenindustrie wird und wir zu Kompliz*innen unserer eigenen Überwachung werden?Karl Hepfer nähert sich diesen grundlegenden Fragen aus theoretischer und praktischer Perspektive. Dabei stärkt er all jene in ihrer Argumentation, die den Sinn des Lebens nicht in dessen bedingungsloser Optimierung sehen.
Autonomy. --- Big Data. --- Conformism. --- Data Management. --- Digital Media. --- Digitalization. --- Media. --- Philosophy. --- Political Paternalism. --- Political Philosophy. --- Political Science. --- Politics. --- Self-Optimiziation. --- Self-disenfranchisement. --- Social Deteminism.
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Helen Heran Jun explores how the history of U.S. citizenshiphas positioned Asian Americans and African Americans in interlocking socio-political relationships since the mid nineteenth century. Rejecting the conventional emphasis on ‘inter-racial prejudice,’ Jun demonstrates how a politics of inclusion has constituted a racial Other within Asian American and African American discourses of national identity.Race for Citizenship examines three salient moments when African American and Asian American citizenship become acutely visible as related crises: the ‘Negro Problem’ and the ‘Yellow Question’ in the mid- to late 19th century; World War II-era questions around race, loyalty, and national identity in the context of internment and Jim Crow segregation; and post-Civil Rights discourses of disenfranchisement and national belonging under globalization. Taking up a range of cultural texts—the 19th century black press, the writings of black feminist Anna Julia Cooper, Asian American novels, African American and Asian American commercial film and documentary—Jun does not seek to document signs of cross-racial identification, but instead demonstrates how the logic of citizenship compels racialized subjects to produce developmental narratives of inclusion in the effort to achieve political, economic, and social incorporation. Race for Citizenship provides a new model of comparative race studies by situating contemporary questions of differential racial formations within a long genealogy of anti-racist discourse constrained by liberal notions of inclusion.
Orientalism --- Asian Americans --- African Americans --- Citizenship --- East and West --- History. --- Social conditions. --- 19th. --- African. --- American. --- Asian. --- II-era. --- Negro. --- Problem. --- Question. --- Rights. --- World. --- Yellow. --- acutely. --- around. --- became. --- century. --- citizenship. --- disenfranchisement. --- examines. --- globalization. --- identity. --- late. --- loyalty. --- mid-. --- moments. --- national. --- post-Civil. --- questions. --- race. --- three. --- under. --- visible. --- when.
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The Violence of Recognition offers an unprecedented firsthand account of the operations of Hindu nationalists and their role in sparking the largest incident of anti-Christian violence in India's history. Through vivid ethnographic storytelling, Pinky Hota explores the roots of ethnonationalist conflict between two historically marginalized groups-the Kandha, who are Adivasi (tribal people considered indigenous in India), and the Paana, a community of Christian Dalits (previously referred to as "untouchables"). Hota documents how Hindutva mobilization led to large-scale violence, culminating in attacks against many thousands of Paana Dalits in the district of Kandhamal in 2008.Bringing indigenous studies as well as race and ethnic studies into conversation with Dalit studies, Hota shows that, despite attempts to frame these ethnonationalist tensions as an indigenous population's resistance against disenfranchisement, Kandha hostility against the Paana must be understood as anti-Christian, anti-Dalit violence animated by racial capitalism. Hota's analysis of caste in relation to race and religion details how Hindu nationalists exploit the singular and exclusionary legal recognition of Adivasis and the putatively liberatory, anti-capitalist discourse of indigeneity in order to justify continued oppression of Dalits-particularly those such as the Paana. Because the Paana lost their legal protection as recognized minorities (Scheduled Caste) upon conversion to Christianity, they struggle for recognition within the Indian state's classificatory scheme. Within the framework of recognition, Hota shows, indigeneity works as a political technology that reproduces the political, economic, and cultural exclusion of landless marginalized groups such as Dalits. The Violence of Recognition reveals the violent implications of minority recognition in creating and maintaining hierarchies of racial capitalism.
Adiwasi Garasia (Indic people) --- Christianity and other religions --- Dalits. --- Hinduism --- Nationalism --- Hinduism. --- Relations --- Christianity. --- India --- Race relations. --- "as. --- 2007 2008. --- Adivasi Hindu Kandhas. --- Adivasi. --- Anti-Dalit. --- Dalit studies. --- Evangelical Christianity in India. --- Hindu activists. --- Hindu nationalism. --- Indigeneity. --- Kandhamal. --- Paana Dalits. --- Scheduled Caste status. --- Scheduled Tribe. --- anti-Dalit. --- caste and race. --- disenfranchisement. --- ethnonationalism. --- human rights. --- land entitlement. --- legal minority status. --- minority. --- racial capitalism. --- religious conversion. --- religious freedom. --- state sponsored violence. --- untouchables. --- violence.
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In 1968, Mexico prepared to host the Olympic games amid growing civil unrest. The spectacular sports facilities and urban redevelopment projects built by the government in Mexico City mirrored the country's rapid but uneven modernization. In the same year, a street-savvy democratization movement led by students emerged in the city. Throughout the summer, the '68 Movement staged protests underscoring a widespread sense of political disenfranchisement. Just ten days before the Olympics began, nearly three hundred student protestors were massacred by the military in a plaza at the core of a new public housing complex. In spite of institutional denial and censorship, the 1968 massacre remains a touchstone in contemporary Mexican culture thanks to the public memory work of survivors and Mexico's leftist intelligentsia. In this highly original study of the afterlives of the '68 Movement, George F. Flaherty explores how urban spaces-material but also literary, photographic, and cinematic-became an archive of 1968, providing a framework for de facto modes of justice for years to come.
Nineteen sixty-eight, A.D. --- Olympics --- Student movements --- Public spaces --- Tlatelolco Massacre, Mexico City, Mexico, 1968. --- Social aspects --- Political aspects. --- History --- Social aspects --- Olympic Games --- 1960s. --- 1968 olympics. --- activist. --- archive. --- athletes. --- athletic. --- censorship. --- city planning. --- disenfranchisement. --- latin america. --- leftist. --- mass murder. --- massacre. --- mexican culture. --- mexican politics. --- mexican. --- mexico city. --- mexico. --- military. --- modernization. --- murder. --- olympian. --- olympic games. --- olympics. --- political movement. --- political. --- politics. --- protestor. --- public housing. --- social studies. --- sports. --- student demonstration. --- student protest. --- urban planning. --- urban redevelopment. --- world history.
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"Post-Katrina New Orleans hasn't been an easy place to live, it hasn't been an easy place to be in love, it hasn't been an easy place to take care of yourself or see the bright side of things." So reflects Billy Sothern in this riveting and unforgettable insider's chronicle of the epic 2005 disaster and the year that followed. Sothern, a death penalty lawyer who with his wife, photographer Nikki Page, arrived in the Crescent City four years ahead of Katrina, delivers a haunting, personal, and quintessentially American story. Writing with an idealist's passion, a journalist's eye for detail, and a lawyer's attention to injustice, Sothern recounts their struggle to come to terms with the enormity of the apocalyptic scenario they managed to live through. He guides the reader on a journey through post-Katrina New Orleans and an array of indelible images: prisoners abandoned in their cells with waters rising, a longtime New Orleans resident of Middle Eastern descent unfairly imprisoned in the days following the hurricane, trailer-bound New Orleanians struggling to make ends meet but celebrating with abandon during Mardi Gras, Latino construction workers living in their trucks. As a lawyer-activist who has devoted his life to procuring justice for some of society's most disenfranchised citizens, Sothern offers a powerful vision of what Katrina has meant to New Orleans and what it still means to the nation at large.
Hurricane Katrina, 2005. --- Hurricanes --- Disaster victims --- Emergency management --- Consequence management (Emergency management) --- Disaster planning --- Disaster preparedness --- Disaster prevention --- Disaster relief --- Disasters --- Emergencies --- Emergency planning --- Emergency preparedness --- Management --- Public safety --- First responders --- Victims of disasters --- Victims --- Katrina, Hurricane, 2005 --- Government policy --- Planning --- Preparedness --- Prevention --- Emergency management - Government policy - United States. --- apocalypse. --- class war. --- climate change. --- disenfranchisement. --- environmental activism. --- flooding. --- iranian. --- latin americans. --- latino. --- latinx. --- levy break. --- louisiana. --- mardi gras. --- middle eastern author. --- natural disaster. --- natural disasters. --- new orleans. --- post apocalyptic scenario. --- post-katrina. --- race and racism. --- southern cities. --- trailer park. --- university textbook.
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At the start of the twenty-first century, 1 percent of the U.S. population is behind bars. An additional 3 percent is on parole or probation. In all but two states, incarcerated felons cannot vote, and in three states felon disenfranchisement is for life. More than 5 million adult Americans cannot vote because of a felony-class criminal conviction, meaning that more than 2 percent of otherwise eligible voters are stripped of their political rights. Nationally, fully a third of the disenfranchised are African American, effectively disenfranchising 8 percent of all African Americans in the United States. In Alabama, Kentucky, and Florida, one in every five adult African Americans cannot vote. Punishment and Inclusion gives a theoretical and historical account of this pernicious practice of felon disenfranchisement, drawing widely on early modern political philosophy, continental and postcolonial political thought, critical race theory, feminist philosophy, disability theory, critical legal studies, and archival research into state constitutional conventions. It demonstrates that the history of felon disenfranchisement, rooted in post slavery restrictions on suffrage and the contemporaneous emergence of the modern “American” penal system, reveals the deep connections between two political institutions often thought to be separate, showing the work of membership done by the criminal punishment system and the work of punishment done by the electoral franchise. Felon disenfranchisement is a symptom of the tension that persists in democratic politics between membership and punishment. This book shows how this tension is managed via the persistence of white supremacy in contemporary regimes of punishment and governance.
Suffrage --- Prisoners --- Political rights, Loss of --- Discrimination in criminal justice administration --- Punishment --- Convicts --- Correctional institutions --- Imprisoned persons --- Incarcerated persons --- Prison inmates --- Inmates of institutions --- Persons --- Loss of political rights --- Citizenship, Loss of --- Infamy (Law) --- Inmates --- Law and legislation --- Civil Death. --- Felon Disenfranchisement. --- John Locke. --- Liberalism. --- Maryland. --- Michel Foucault. --- Punishment. --- Voting Rights. --- inclusion. --- political membership. --- race. --- United States --- Politics and government. --- Suffrage - United States --- Prisoners - Suffrage - United States --- Political rights, Loss of - United States --- Discrimination in criminal justice administration - United States --- Punishment - United States --- Citizenship - United States --- Race - Political aspects - United States --- Liberalism - United States --- Citizenship --- Race --- Liberalism
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How one of the greatest miscarriages of justice in the United States continues to haunt the nation’s racial psycheIn 1931, nine black youths were charged with raping two white women in Scottsboro, Alabama. Despite meager and contradictory evidence, all nine were found guilty and eight of the defendants were sentenced to death—making Scottsboro one of the worst travesties of justice to take place in the post-Reconstruction South. Remembering Scottsboro explores how this case has embedded itself into the fabric of American memory and become a lens for perceptions of race, class, sexual politics, and justice. James Miller draws upon the archives of the Communist International and NAACP, contemporary journalistic accounts, as well as poetry, drama, fiction, and film, to document the impact of Scottsboro on American culture.The book reveals how the Communist Party, NAACP, and media shaped early images of Scottsboro; looks at how the case influenced authors including Langston Hughes, Richard Wright, and Harper Lee; shows how politicians and Hollywood filmmakers invoked the case in the ensuing decades; and examines the defiant, sensitive, and savvy correspondence of Haywood Patterson—one of the accused, who fled the Alabama justice system. Miller considers how Scottsboro persists as a point of reference in contemporary American life and suggests that the Civil Rights movement begins much earlier than the Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955.Remembering Scottsboro demonstrates how one compelling, provocative, and tragic case still haunts the American racial imagination.
Prozess. --- Vergewaltigung. --- Rassendiskriminierung. --- Kultur. --- Rezeption. --- Law in literature. --- Scottsboro Trial, Scottsboro, Ala., 1931 --- Trials (Rape) --- Scottsboro Trial, Scottsboro, Ala., 1931. --- Alabama --- Scottsboro (Ala.) --- USA. --- Alabama Army National Guard. --- Alabama. --- Andy Wright. --- Benjamin M. Miller. --- Charlie Weems. --- Chattanooga. --- Clarence Norris. --- Eugene Williams. --- Gadsden. --- George Wallace. --- John C. Anderson. --- Kilby Prison. --- Lookout Mountain. --- Milo Moody. --- Olin Montgomery. --- Ozie Powell. --- Paint Rock. --- Powell v. Alabama. --- Roy Wright. --- Ruby Bates. --- Sheriff Matt Wann. --- Southern Railway. --- Stephen Roddy. --- Supreme Court. --- Tennessee. --- Victoria Price. --- Willie Roberson. --- all-white audience. --- all-white jury. --- death sentence. --- disenfranchisement. --- legal representation. --- lynch mob. --- lynching. --- posse comitatus. --- rape. --- right to a fair trial.
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